Yes / Justice, Care and the Welfare State presents a justice theory to guide welfare policies across Western societies. As the author highlights “the main value of this book is to provide some insight into how Western welfare states can be reformed to better promote justice under contemporary social and economic conditions” (p.3).

This objective of this thesis is to explore welfare politics and welfare policy in Britain and South Korea (hereafter Korea) focusing on ex-miners with coal workers’ pneumoconiosis (hereafter CWP) and laws and institutions concerned (the IIA in 1946 and the CWPS in 1974 in Britain, and the IACI in 1964 and the APPPPW in 1984 in Korea). The reason to choose this group is that they stand at complex conjunction of circumstances - the elderly, the poor, the disabled and the persons injured at work. In addition, the reason to examine laws and institutions concerned is that they contain more general issues of welfare politics. The theories adopted in this thesis are historical institutionalism and power resources theory which together give an important insight about institutions, politics and welfare state. Based on these theories, this thesis defines welfare politics, its determinants and why it may be deficient. The major elements of welfare politics can be characterized as class politics as exemplified in the role of trade unions, social democracy as a basic ideology and social corporatism as a type of political participation and policy-making. Generally there are three major variables in welfare politics; the organization of trade unions and control of their members; left-wing political parties and solidarity between trade unions and the parties; and the institutionalization of social dialogue and social policy. From the above determinants, the concept of ‘the deficiency of politics’ can be defined. Firstly, it is a weakness or extinction of class politics through the exclusion of the labour movement. Secondly, it can be explained by the weakness of progressive political parties in state politics or the lack of solidarity between labour unions and political parties resulting in a difficulty of access to social policy formation by trade unions. Finally, the concept of the ‘deficiency of politics’ is related to a poor legacy of institutions and the weakness or absence of a class compromise system. To summarize the research results, there are differences in the areas of welfare politics and welfare system between Britain and Korea. Welfare politics in Britain on this issue includes elements of class politics, labour politics and exchange politics based on balanced power relations among classes and the corporatist political system. Welfare politics in Korea, however, is characterized by pressure group politics in specific areas and legitimacy politics for national goals based on state corporatism. In addition, welfare politics has established different welfare institutions. Korea has established a residual welfare system while Britain has an institutional system. Furthermore, the institutions regulate their welfare politics in different ways: the interests of ex-miners with CWP are secured through established schemes by trade unions in Britain while in Korea the schemes are operated unfairly by interest groups in the interests of a sub-group of the sufferers. As a result, in Korea, welfare politics based on these politics and institutions leads beneficiaries to distrust the Government, relevant institutions, and even their own organization. Similarly, the distrust which exists in Korean ex-miners with CWP can be understood and explained in terms of social policy which has been formed and is being affected by welfare politics. There are five findings in this thesis. Firstly, the distrustful attitudes of Korean ex-miners with CWP originate from welfare institutions and welfare politics which are closely related. Secondly, the principle of new institutionalism, the correlation between institution and politics, is evident in compensation politics in both Britain and Korea. Thirdly, in an explanation of the Korean welfare state, a power resources model rooted in political economy and corporatism is more persuasive than a cultural approach based upon Confucianism. Fourthly, there are many differences in this policy area between Britain and Korea despite similarities in their welfare state regimes. Fifthly, politics rather than institutions are the dominant explanatory variable.

Since the transitions to democracy in Latin America, women in the region have undergone major changes in their roles in society. From traditionally only present in the home to participating in collective action efforts, and finally participating at increasing numbers in governments, women have made incredible strides in the Latin American region. Latin American countries have successfully advocated for the inclusion of women in government, but few studies in academia focus on determining whether their inclusion has made a difference in government processes or in society. Borrowing from the literature positing that women are behaviorally different from men as well as their identification with motherhood and as wives in their collective action efforts in Latin America, I argue that women have different concerns from men both outside and inside of the public sphere and therefore make a difference in government with regards to policy priorities and government budget allocations. Studying 18 Latin American countries, I find that there is a gender gap in public opinion, which demonstrates that women are more concerned with social welfare matters than men. I also find that female concerns are carried into their behavior once in government as observed by female legislators’ heightened support for social welfare policies. Furthermore, I find that women in legislatures affect government behavior differently from their male counterparts as observed with female legislators’ positive effects on the allocation of the budget towards social welfare areas.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-09-12T17:29:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LUDMYLLA RIBEIRO PESSONI.pdf: 1238694 bytes, checksum: fcde9d23e83229cc72236c5fc118a082 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-12T17:29:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LUDMYLLA RIBEIRO PESSONI.pdf: 1238694 bytes, checksum: fcde9d23e83229cc72236c5fc118a082 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-29 / The theme of this thesis is the implementation of actions whose purpose is to ensure equal conditions for students who enter the Instituto Federal de Goiás (Brazilian Federal Educational Institute of Goiás) to continue their courses, by means of social welfare policies, in the historical setting of peripheral capitalism and the limits imposed by students’ living conditions in exercising their rights to education. Its overall aim has been to investigate the concretization of the right to education for students benefited from the IFG’s social welfare policy as well as to verify to what extent such policy has been able to strengthen its recipients’ objectives of academic training, continuance and achievement. To this end, literature, documental and empirical researches have been carried out. Semi-structured interviews have been used with students who have benefited from IFG’s assistance program, as tools of data collection. Thus, this study displays a range of public policies of education, highlighting technological education and IFG’s history, as well as the conceptualization of social assistance, regarding it as a support for effecting policies for students. It has enabled us to understand the real connection between education, work and social welfare policies, among which we find those of education and social assistance, in a capitalist society. This work has allowed us to understand that social assistance is necessary as a right that makes the stay of low-income students in school possible, but for that to happen, such aid must be more than material or financial support, for it doesn’t reach all of those who need it, neither is it able to provide for students’ basic needs. / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de análise a efetivação das ações referentes à intenção de garantir igualdade de condições de permanência dos estudantes que ingressam no Instituto Federal de Goiás (IFG), por meio da política de assistência social, no contexto histórico do capitalismo periférico e os limites impostos pelas condições de vida dos estudantes no exercício do direito à educação. O objetivo geral foi investigar a objetivação do direito à educação aos estudantes atendidos pela política de assistência social do IFG e verificar em que medida essa política tem sido capaz de fortalecer os objetivos de formação, permanência e êxito acadêmico dos seus usuários. Para isso, realizou-se um estudo bibliográfico, pesquisa documental e empírica. Como instrumento de coleta de dados, foi utilizado entrevistas semiestruturadas com os estudantes usuários do auxílio estudantil do IFG. Desta forma, esta dissertação apresentou o percurso das políticas públicas de educação, enfatizando a educação tecnológica e a trajetória do IFG, bem como a conceituação da assistência social compreendendo-a como mediadora para a efetivação das políticas destinadas aos estudantes. O estudo possibilitou compreensão da real relação entre educação, trabalho e as políticas sociais, dentre elas a de educação e a de assistência social, na sociedade capitalista. Possibilitou compreender que a assistência social é necessária como direito para viabilizar a permanência dos estudantes de baixa renda na escola, mas, para isso, deve ir além de auxílios materiais ou financeiros que não alcançam a todos que necessitam e não conseguem suprir nem mesmo as necessidades básicas dos estudantes.

The aim of this PhD thesis was to illustrate the modernisation of Swedish and British welfare policies during the time of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda which aimed at reconciling social protection with labour market integration. Specifically it should be illustrated if both countries managed to cope with the weaknesses and shortcomings that European policy recommendations identified in relation to unemployment benefits, social assistance schemes, parental leave systems and childcare subsidies. The attempt to grasp which role (European) ‘ideas’ were able to play in national welfare modernisation processes between 1998-2008 constituted a key consideration in this regard. By using a case-study design it is worked out that Sweden and Great Britain followed their European recommendations; not completely but significantly. Yet, causal connections can hardly be established and the overall development doesn’t constitute a ‘top-down’ implementation of EU recommendations. In both cases a discourse analysis reveals that the realization of European ideas rather depends on party-political preferences and the arrangement of national discourses. It is shown that ideas become powerful in puzzling situations when existing discourses are challenged and in line with the work of authors like Jørgen Goul Anderssen or Vivien A. Schmidt this thesis confirms the importance of an actor-centred perspective for explaining welfare policies. Considering Sweden as a socialdemocratic and Great Britain as a liberal welfare regime the PhD thesis aims as well at contributing to a better understanding of how policy reforms affected these two differing regime types. For the time during the Lisbon Agenda it holds that they moved ‘closer’ to each other and that welfare modernisation can be described as an exercise of making the social democratic welfare regime a better social democratic welfare regime and of making the liberal welfare regime a better liberal welfare regime. Yet, in 2008 the international financial crisis hit the EU and two years later the Lisbon Strategy was replaced by the EU 2020 Strategy. The PhD thesis takes these developments into account, illustrates the major changes in Swedish and British welfare policies and compares them to the research period. Rather untypical developments in Sweden lead to the conclusion that there might be a certain ‘carousel-effect’ which seems to kind of reallocate ‘problems’ and ‘solutions’ between the different welfare regimes. For Great Britain the conclusion is drawn, that the conservative coalition government triggered a transformation process which wasn’t first and foremost caused by the international financial crisis but represented more of a political choice to make the liberal welfare regime more liberal.

<p>Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway.</p><p>In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare.</p><p>With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production. It is hypothesised that political parties attempt to mould statutory decisions on associational welfare provision in accordance with the interests of associations with “congruent constituencies.”</p><p>The aim of this thesis is to examine whether political party preferences for certain welfare associations might help to explain variations in statutory support for associational welfare provision. Two questions are raised: First, do parties differ in their attempts to influence statutory subventions and regulations of associational welfare provision, resulting in more or less favourable conditions for associational welfare? Second, do parties systematically differ in their policies with regard to more or less “congruent” associations?</p><p>In order to investigate these questions, a comparison is made between political parties’ attempts to influence statutory regulation and subvention of Norwegian and Swedish associations active in the areas of day-care and housing. For this purpose, information is drawn from public documents and official statistics in order to identify more or less favourable policies and related partisan policies. In addition, supportive parties and favoured associations are compared with regard to their “constituencies.”</p><p>The findings partly support the hypothesis. Although political parties partly pursued consensually association-friendly policies, they often varied their support for welfare associations, whereby both right-wing and left-wing parties partly advocated and partly rejected association-friendly policies in a conflicting way, resulting in varied degrees of statutory support. Furthermore, supportive parties shared “congruent constituencies” with those associations supported by respective parties’ policies. These findings indicate that partisan policies indeed make a difference for associational welfare production, whereby parties of any political colour can support associational solutions. Furthermore, partisan policies vary according to the involved associations’ more or less “congruent constituencies,” which can pursue welfare production out of various particularistic interests, be they religious-cultural or socio-economic in nature.</p>

This dissertation studies public institutional arrangements on the Swedish salt market 1720-1862. Crucial issues are how an why these arrangements emerged and were changed as well as they were used. The arrangements were erected in order to realize economic and social goals. In this respect, the policy persued by the Swedish government differed from those of most other governments, where policies concerning salt primarily meant tax policies. Government policies in Sweden were firstly external and had a long-term orientation. The aim was to import as much salt as possible to Sweden. The government also pursued a short-term policy in order to cope with short-term shorages. Overall, these policies were successful. Contrary to what has been stated in earlier Swedish research, the protectionist shipping policies did not lead to shortages of salt and high saltprices. Instead, the Swedish shipping and freight manufacture was stimulated, and Sweden became independent of foreign merchant fleets. The mercantilist aim of building a large merchant fleet, independent of potential enemy nations, was achieved without any negative effects on prices or supply on the Swedish salt market. Shortages of salt were not caused by a generally low yearly supply of salt. On the contrary, Sweden consistently had a surplus of salt and re-exported every year salt to other countries. The shortages of salt was rather regional and temporary, due to unexpected shocks on the supply side (wars, buccaneering, shipwrecks, persistent head winds, crises of production) and on the demand side (abundant fishing, cattle diseases and forced slaughter etc.). Costly and slow transports and communication meant that unexpected shortages could not be solved through trade. To solve these problems different institutional arrangements were created. These arrangements emerged in an evolutionary process of institutional change characterized by significant random elements. Severe shortages caused large changes in relative prices which acted as triggering factors in the process of institutional formation. Three more elaborated institutional arrangements having welfare purpuses were established, but disappeared in a rather short time. In 1774 a system of State Salt Stores were established in all staple towns. This arrangement proved to be very efficient as an insurance system, and the Salt Stores were frequently used to avert temporary shortages until new cargos of salt had arrived. The active state policy was a prerequisite for the markets to function satisfactory under mercantilism. But public stockpiling came to an end because the need for this insurance services diminished. But new technologies in saltproduction and shipping, increases in security and improved communications, a more efficiently-functioning market structure caused a significant long run decline i saltprices in relation to other prices and wages. Consequently, the need for public arrangements on the saltmarket decreased.

Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway. In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare. With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production. It is hypothesised that political parties attempt to mould statutory decisions on associational welfare provision in accordance with the interests of associations with “congruent constituencies.” The aim of this thesis is to examine whether political party preferences for certain welfare associations might help to explain variations in statutory support for associational welfare provision. Two questions are raised: First, do parties differ in their attempts to influence statutory subventions and regulations of associational welfare provision, resulting in more or less favourable conditions for associational welfare? Second, do parties systematically differ in their policies with regard to more or less “congruent” associations? In order to investigate these questions, a comparison is made between political parties’ attempts to influence statutory regulation and subvention of Norwegian and Swedish associations active in the areas of day-care and housing. For this purpose, information is drawn from public documents and official statistics in order to identify more or less favourable policies and related partisan policies. In addition, supportive parties and favoured associations are compared with regard to their “constituencies.” The findings partly support the hypothesis. Although political parties partly pursued consensually association-friendly policies, they often varied their support for welfare associations, whereby both right-wing and left-wing parties partly advocated and partly rejected association-friendly policies in a conflicting way, resulting in varied degrees of statutory support. Furthermore, supportive parties shared “congruent constituencies” with those associations supported by respective parties’ policies. These findings indicate that partisan policies indeed make a difference for associational welfare production, whereby parties of any political colour can support associational solutions. Furthermore, partisan policies vary according to the involved associations’ more or less “congruent constituencies,” which can pursue welfare production out of various particularistic interests, be they religious-cultural or socio-economic in nature.

South African welfare policies and social problems dictate social service rendering in South Africa. Social workers are involved in various service delivery interventions of which community development (macro focus) and statutory services (micro focus) are two separate specialised interventions. In social work practice there is a need for both interventions, however, there is no clear guidelines for social workers how to integrate these interventions in practice. The aim of this study was to determine how community development and statutory services as two distinctive social work interventions could be integrated in order to render effective, integrated social services within a developmental approach. A qualitative research approach was utilised for the study and data was gathered by means of four focus group interviews. Respondents for the study included social workers and clients who were involved in both statutory and community development interventions. Research findings indicated that statutory and community development interventions are guided by different processes, time frames, and models of implementation, such as the legislative framework in the case of statutory work as opposed to participatory models in community development. The study concluded that there is not only confusion with regard to the role of social workers, but also a high risk of clients loosing trust in the helping relationship when one social worker simultaneously does community work and render statutory services in the same community. The distinctive nature of statutory services and community development calls for other options for the integration of these two intervention levels. This study proposed three options for social workers and NGOs to integrate statutory services and community development. Based on the research findings and conclusions of the study, the researcher proposed guidelines for (1) the development of an integrated model and (2) a policy framework for the integration of statutory services and community development within a developmental approach and finally recommended that such a designed model and policy framework be implemented and the impact thereof on social service delivery be researched. / Dissertation (MSD (Social Development and Policy))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Social Work / unrestricted

台北市身心障礙領域工作整合型社會企業之浮現，與鑲嵌在身心障礙福利改革脈絡中庇護工場之組織變遷有關。職此，本研究旨從歷史制度論觀點，結合文獻分析法與深度訪談法，探討我國庇護工場、工作整合型社會企業相關政策立法之歷史變革，並研究行動者與身心障礙福利制度之間的交互作用如何形塑台北市非營利身心障礙就業組織制度場域—從庇護工場到現行庇護工場與工作整合型社會企業兩種制度並立的演進歷程，進而理解身心障礙領域工作整合型社會企業的現況挑戰與未來發展圖像。主要的研究發現如下：首先，台北市非營利身心障礙組織創建工作整合型社會企業的外生動因包括，政府補助誘因、身心障礙就業相關法規與政策之瑕疵、沉痾的身心障礙者失業問題、外在財務資源的緊縮、日益盛行的社會企業概念；而內在動因則主要是組織為實踐其理念宗旨與招募合適的經營管理人才兩面向。其次，台北市身心障礙領域工作整合型社會企業成立的關鍵時刻為第三部門組織採納台北市勞動局於2011年所研擬之政策方案；此外，部分由庇護工場所轉型的工作整合型社會企業發生了路徑依賴現象。最後，未來台北市身心障礙領域工作整合型社會企業可發展網絡與協力夥伴關係，並有朝向「四重底線」、作為一般勞動市場而與庇護工場同時並存之發展趨勢。 / The emergence of work integration social enterprises (hereafter WISEs) for the disabled in Taipei is related to the organizational changes of sheltered workshops embedded in the context of the disability welfare reforms. Hence, this dissertation adopts the approach of historical institutionalism and the research methods of secondary literature analysis and in-depth interviews to discuss the historical changes of sheltered workshops and WISEs-related policies and legislation; to explore the interaction between actors and the disability welfare institutions in inducing the process of transformation from “sheltered workshop only” system to one where sheltered workshops and WISEs coexist; and to further discuss the challenges and future scenarios of WISEs for the disabled in Taipei. This study finds that firstly, the exogenous factors of the institutional transformation include: government’s policy incentives, the flaws of disability employment regulations and policies, persistent disabled unemployment issues, the tightening of external financial resources, and the growing popularity of the concept of social enterprise. The ideals of the non-profit organizations and the participation of management experts in these organizations appear to be the endogenous factors. The critical juncture of establishing WISEs for the disabled in Taipei is the implementation of WISE policy by some non-profit organizations in 2011. Path dependence is observed in the transformation of some sheltered workshops into WISEs. Finally, the prospects of WISEs for the disabled in Taipei are building resources network and the collaborative partnership, procuring the “quadruple bottom line”, and coexisting with sheltered workshops simultaneously.