The primary/objective of this study was to develop a framework for identification of political environmental issues faced by multinational hotel chains in newly industrialized countries in Asia. To accomplish the objective, key factors having an impact upon these hotel chains were identified using the Delphi Technique. This study was conducted with participation of multinational hotel chain executives and general managers, trade association executives, government tourism officials, hospitality management educators, and industry lawyers. Five Asian countries including Hong Kong, Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand were selected as a sample for newly industrialized countries. Key factors in the political environment were identified under four categories: law and regulation, administrative, judicial, and lobbying, based on the classification scheme of the Trends Database developed by the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and state University. A professional panel of 17 members identified 93 key factors for each category in the first round of Delphi. In the second round panel members rated the level of influence of these identified factors using a five point Likert-type scale (5 = very influential, 1 = not influential), and reexamined their ratings in the final round to reach an agreement. All key factors receiving a total of two-thirds of the panel members' votes in the very influential, moderately influential and average influence categories were included in the framework. Finally, a total of 58 factors were agreed to be included in the framework: 26 in the law and regulation category, 14 in administrative, 10 in judicial, and 8 in lobbying categories. / Ph. D.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1964 V36 / Master of Science

There are four chapters in my dissertation. Chapter one gives a brief introduction of the three essays. Chapter two studies the choice of exchange rate regimes in East Asia using a business-cycle approach. My results suggest that countries in East Asia are driven mainly by country-specific shocks, making more rigid exchange rate regimes less desirable. Neither a yen bloc nor a dollar bloc has been identified in East Asia. However, Japan seems more influential to countries such as Korea and Taiwan. An optimum currency area does not seem feasible for East Asia, at least in the short run. Chapter three applies the cointegration and causality analyses to the real effective exchange rates to study the degree of monetary integration in East Asia. I find that the ASEAN and the NIE countries, respectively, have achieved some degree of integration, but not East Asia as a whole. The yen is found to move closely with the NIE currencies. However, neither the yen nor the dollar imposes a dominant driving force on the East Asian currencies. My results suggest that East Asia is not an optimum currency area. Chapter four expands the traditional monetary model of exchange rate determination into a structural VAR model incorporating various capital flows and the balance of trade in addition to the macroeconomic fundamentals. The model is then applied to the Australian dollar (AUD), the Canadian dollar (CAD), and the US dollar (USD) exchange rates over 19802004. I find that capital flows, especially portfolio investments, explain a major portion of the exchange rate fluctuations in the relatively small and open economies such as Australia and Canada in the short-to-medium run. The impacts of capital flows are limited to the US dollar exchange rates. Among the macroeconomic fundamentals, the interest rate plays an important role in exchange rate determination for all three currencies. The results imply that different capital flows do influence exchange rates differently and are important determinants of exchange rates.

第一章 總論 第一節 文學的批評 第二節 文學的對象 第三節 中共文藝政策的演變 第四節 丁玲在中共文學上的地位 第二章 早期的丁玲－「浪漫的自由主義者」（一九○六∼一九三一） 第一節 革命動亂的幼年時代（一九○六∼一九一八） 第二節 徬徨少年時代（一九一八∼一九二三） 第三節 苦悶的青年時代（一九二三∼一九三一） 1.初到上海－大學生涯。2.初到北京－京華煙雲。3.再見上海－星海浮沈。4.重回 北京－一文成名。5.三見上海－政治風暴。 第三章 後期的丁玲－搖擺的共產主義者（一九三一∼一九五七） 第一節 「左聯時期」－「北斗」雜誌 第二節 初次「叛黨」－自白書 第三節 初到「蘇區」－坦白書 第四節 初次「反黨」－「三八節有感」 第五節 表面屈服－接受洗腦 第六節 文藝整風與政治生命的結策 第四章 結論 第一節 大陸知識份子悲劇的「模式」 第二節 對中共文學未來發展旳展望 #2810458 #2810458

第一章 蘇聯經濟制度之理論基礎。第一節：共產主義下之經濟制度。第二節：共 產主義下之經濟決策。第三節：社會主義下之經濟制度。第四節：社會主義下之經 濟決策。 第二章 蘇聯經濟制度之涗革。第一節：計劃經濟制度之創立。第二節：計劃經濟 制度之定型。第三節：計劃經濟制度之本質。第四節：計劃經濟制度之改革。 第三章 蘇聯官僚體系與經濟制度之關係。第一節：國家對計劃經濟之強制性權威 。第二節：俄共對經濟活動之積極掌握。第三節：行政與管理之密切配合。第四節 ：政治制度與經濟控制。 第四章 蘇聯經濟制度之運作。第一節：物資平衡計劃之措施。第二節：企業計劃 和財政控制。第三節：銀行制度。第四節：價格制度。 第五章 蘇聯經濟發展之途徑。第一節：蘇聯發展模式。第二節：蘇聯發展模式與 西方發展趨勢之比較。第三節：集體農場制度與蘇聯經濟發的關係。第四節：蘇聯 行政管理模式。 第六章 結論。第一節：蘇聯社會主義之評估。第二節：蘇聯經濟制度之評估。第 三節：蘇聯發展模式之評估。第四節：蘇聯經濟未來發展之趨勢。 #2810461 #2810461

第一章 緒論－說明研究中共石油工業之動機和目的及研究方法。 第二章 中共石油的蘊藏量及油區、油礦之分析。 第三章 中共石油的生產量和消費量之評估及其對外輸出入能力的剖析。 第四章 中共海底油田開發現況，及其因而引起的東亞各國，尤其是與中華民國， 大韓民國的海洋問題分析。 第五章 中共對外石油輸出的目的之研究，及日本與中共之間石油外交的效果評估 。 第六章 結論－中共石油工業發展上的幾個問題及其未來的展望。 #2810474 #2810474

第一章 緒論，研究目的與研究方法。 第二章 鄧小平的政治經濟與政治傾向。 第三章 華國鋒的政治娙歷與政治傾向。 第四章 華國鋒與鄧小平的政治影響力之比較。 第五章 華、鄧的思想路線與政策路線之比較。 第六章 結論。 #2810464 #2810464

本文研究目的乃是探討中國第一次有組織的反共運動。 本文第一章為緒論，內容包括研究動機、目的、方法及範圍。第二章為敘述西山會 議之遠因，探究中山先生的聯俄容共政策。第三章則為西山會議的背景，分析當時 的歷史背景。第四章、第五章則專門討論西山會議的內容及其對中國政治的影響； 國民黨中央如何對待西山會議，以及中共對西山會議的抨擊。第六章為結論，強調 西山會議的先知先覺，對中共的包藏禍心有深刻的認識。 本文是採用政策分析研究法、歷史研究法以及衝突研究法，嚐試對西山會議有透徹 的分析。 #2810468 #2810468

This research explores institutional discourse on change in South Korean football. It seeks to understand the construction and legitimisation of change in Korean football as a product of both national and international dynamics. It explores the debates on modernity and modernisation of football in Korean society as a product of Korean colonial and postcolonial histories, including Korea s construction of self and otherness in relation to North Korea, Japan, China, and the West. In doing so, this research s ambition is to contribute to East Asian studies in general and South Korean society (politics, culture, economy, and history) in particular. It emphasises the application of modernity and tradition debates, as well as postcolonial critique and Foucauldian discourse analysis for the study of sport and football in Korea.

The existing analyses in the literature of inter-regionalism focus on a macro perspective when they look at the relationship between inter-regional ties and global governance. They have not explored the European Union’s (EU) policy development toward the Association of South-East Asia Nations (ASEAN) in detail which affects the EU and ASEAN relationship. They have overlooked explanations and current empirical evidence regarding that relationship. This thesis analyses internal factors within the EU and external factors from ASEAN and outside of the EU which influence EU policies toward ASEAN. The internal factors are the relevant actors within the various institutional arrangements of the EU policy and the promotion of interests of the EU and those of its member states and to some extent of common EU values. The modes of engagement between the EU and ASEAN, the level of integration within ASEAN and the pressures and opportunities from ASEAN and outside the EU are the external factors. Then, this thesis assesses how, when and to what extent these factors influence the EU’s policy developments toward ASEAN and have implications for the inter-regional relationship between the two regions. I examine three EU policies toward ASEAN from 2001 to 2009:1) a new partnership with South-East Asia, 2) the joint EUASEAN monitoring mission in Aceh, and 3) an ASEAN-EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA).This thesis is based on a qualitative method of analysis and is part of problem-driven research. It employs inductive theory building from case studies as the research strategy and documents and interviews as methods of data collection. This thesis presents the variation in importance within factors which influence the EU’s policy development toward ASEAN. It highlights different kinds of interactions between factors which shape the success or failure of the EU’s policy development. The co-operative relationship between these factors is needed to conclude agreement between the two regions. However, the conflicting relationship between these factors can lead to the failure to reach agreement between them. With regard to internal factors, this thesis demonstrates that a shared common position between relevant and other related actors within each of the various institutional arrangements in the EU may assist in the conclusion of an agreement between the two regions. As EU interests takes precedence over values, the likelihood of achieving an agreement increases. With regard to external factors, this thesis argues that consultation and monitoring mechanisms have been used by the EU as its modes of engagement (as opposed to a negotiation) and they affect its policy development and enable it to reach an agreement with ASEAN. The conclusion of an agreement between the two regions can be easily achieved, when the level of integration within ASEAN remains static or weak. However, when the level of integration within ASEAN is stronger, the EU would be less likely to achieve its expected agreements with ASEAN. The conclusion of an agreement between the EU and ASEAN can be achieved when they can resolve these external pressures and take advantage of external opportunities. The trends in and implications for the EU and ASEAN relationship are as follows: first, the more the EU applies a balanced treatment of internal and external factors, then the more it will support the EU’s policy development and that will positively influence the EU and ASEAN relationship. Second, their relationship has been shifted from a hierarchical ex-colonial dynamic to a mutually interdependent partnership.