This study seeks to examine and assess the effectiveness of the Eastern Partnership Policy (EaP) of the European Union. Beside introduction of positive novelties of the Eastern Partnership, this paper gives a premium attention to scrutinize the possible limitations and shortfalls of EaP. Hence, the study aims to analyze some internal and external factors that complicate the effective functioning of the EaP. The inconsistency of the EU policy structure, the role of Russia and its Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) in EAP, the ambivalent policy of some Member States (Germany and Italy are examined) toward the EaP, unconsidered discrepancy of eastern partners are analyzed and considered as prime reasons of ineffectiveness. In addition, examined case studies of Ukraine and Azerbaijan reveal that the EU's commitment to their "shared values" are controversial. This paper presents that the EU should find a balance between its economic/energy interests and normative values vis-a-vis Eastern Partners in order to fill the gap between its goals and achievements.

The aim of this thesis is to display the problematic areas where greater coordination and cooperation could occur between all energy market players in order to fulfill a vision of a Central and Eastern European regional market place.

The central theme of this doctoral research is organisational knowledge creation in the cross cultural context of the post-socialist transition of former Eastern European (EE) countries towards a more liberal market structure and methods of working. This transition was particularly important for those countries seeking European Union (EU) accession such as Romania, and impacted on those organisations having a major role in accession such as the Romanian Border Police (RBP). The need for organisations to expand their knowledge of strategic decision making for change and development resulted in a plethora of EU-funded training interventions to fill the gap. The literature suggests that as a result of the dominance of Western ideology of the transitional process, cognitive dissonance and a general disconnect with the outcomes of EU-funded projects was a product of such interventions. This research explores how a more collaborative co-inquiry methodology with partners can bring about knowledge creation as a more sustainable and significant approach for organisational change. Specifically, it investigates the reflective capabilities of a group of Romanian Border Police (RBP) managers to reveal how they can create knowledge for organisational change and development in preparation for EU accession. Simultaneously a framework for facilitation was developed as a result of using the original research of Geppert and Clark (2002) and Breiter and Scardamalia (2000), as a foundation for the operationalisation of the research and in the attempt to move away from traditional models of knowledge transfer to further develop the changing dimensions of training interventions in the EE as suggested by Michaelova and Hollinshead (2007). It is offered as a purposeful method for the sustainable organisation, in preference to western style knowledge transfer projects. The findings result in a complex model of knowledge creation for the RBP and a better understanding of how Western trainers can work with EE organisations to achieve the desired outcomes for developing organisations. Moreover recommendations are made on how the EU can best utilise this research as a basis for funding future knowledge transfer projects, to guarantee that funding is having an impact on developing organisations at a time of austerity.

This thesis studies the ecclesiological development of Romanian Pentecostalism from its inception until after the fall of communism as well as analysing the contemporary situation and practice of the Romanian Pentecostal churches in context, both to diagnose the most important problems and to draw attention to and explain promising experiments and signs of hope. It reveals that due to external factors such as socio-political and economic constraints and internal factors such as lack of resources, lack of vision, past traditional theological inheritances, Romanian Pentecostal Churches have not always been able to engage with their context in a missionary way, and their missiological praxis has not always been contextual. The thesis aims to suggest that Romanian Pentecostal Churches produce a contextual theology that, in addition to being rooted in the Scriptures, is sensitive to the needs, struggles, and aspirations of the churches and the peoples of Romania today. The thesis concludes by affirming that the churches need to be themselves missionary alternative communities embodying the values of God's Kingdom in their essence, structures and outlook.

Nuclear power is currently receiving a great deal of attention in the international arena as nations seek to tackle the joint energy challenges of supply security and sustainability. Discussions have focused on questions of efficiency, cost, waste disposal and the safety profile of the technology. Within the social sciences attention has been given to the decision making processes surrounding nuclear technologies, and to themes of dialogue and participatory decision making. This body of research conceptualises nuclear industries as products of social and political processes. In this thesis, I have conceptualised the Polish nuclear industry as the product of social, political, but also material forces which together co-shape dialogue surrounding the pursuit of nuclear development. The thesis presents a case study of nuclear development in Pomerania, northern Poland. During the 1980s, the Communist government of the People’s Republic of Poland began to construct the first of a series of nuclear power plants beside Lake Żarnowiec in the north of the Province. However, following protests and political upheaval in the region, construction work was abandoned and the site left empty for nearly twenty years. Since 2009, Lake Żarnowiec has once again taken centre stage as Poland seeks to construct a nuclear facility in Pomerania. This thesis examines the agency of the infrastructural assets of the original development, landscape changes, notions of identity, and the social and political processes which underpin decision making surrounding the pursuit of nuclear development within the region. It demonstrates the presence of a complex entanglement of social, material and conceptual elements present in dialogue surrounding contemporary nuclear development. The research calls attention to the forces and pressures, both seen and unseen which together shape political and social attitudes towards nuclear development.

When compared to the other candidate states of Central and Eastern Europe, Romania emerged as a laggard of transition. Its integration into the European Union has been marked by much uncertainty and setbacks, as well as profound delays in fulfilling the EU's entry conditions. As a difficult case, the dynamics of Romania's EU accession provide insight into the potential and limits of the EU's leverage, revealing how domestic factors can be decisive in constraining external influence. Focusing on the reform trajectory in the fields of judiciary reforms, anti-corruption and external border policies between 1989 and 2007, this study assesses the interaction between EU politics and domestic politics and the role of domestic factors in slowing down internal reforms. By identifying the domestic conditions under which conditionality is likely to more, or less, successful, this study contributes to the Europeanization and enlargement literature. By assessing the preparations for accession in the field of Justice and Home Affairs, this research also fills a major lacuna in the existing specialised literature.

This dissertation is an ethnographic analysis of Russian-speaking migrants in Amsterdam, The Netherlands in the context of European Union incorporation of Eastern European states, internal E.U. integration, and increasing surveillance of the E.U. outer borders. I investigate how these processes are causing Europeans to redeploy ideas of Eastern Europe as a cultural and political "other." European Union integration of individual countries' economies, governance, and national identities has not been a straightforward process. European Union and individual states reinvent their national identities by defending their geographic, cultural, social, and economic borders against Eastern and Southern "others." However, the discourses and policies relating to Eastern Europeans and other migrants result in adverse social and economic conditions for them in The Netherlands. My analysis is based on a total of fourteen months of ethnographic research with Russian-speaking artists, architects, sex-workers, street sellers, homeless people, businessmen, and scientists from the former-Soviet States in the Netherlands from 2001 to 2003. I found that most of these individuals faced some social exclusion in the Netherlands based on their identity as "Eastern Europeans," "migrants," and "newcomers." Dutch society has long been known as one of the most "tolerant" in Europe with its emphasis on human rights, support of development projects around the globe, generous social benefits for its population, and pragmatic attitude toward drug use and prostitution. However, the combination of the European Union's eastern expansion, post-September 11 fears of Islamic terrorism, history of East/West relationships, and recent growth of migration to the Netherlands have all tested Dutch tolerance. Eastern Europeans in the Netherlands exist in a liminal position; they may at times be marginalized because of stereotypes about them but they may also be "tolerated" when they follow Dutch cultural practices and do not become an economic burden to the Dutch state. Contrary to Dutch and European stereotypes, migrants are not necessarily poverty-stricken and many choose to migrate to the Netherlands because of personal connections or an interest in Dutch society. Ultimately, Russian-speakers' experiences of belonging (and not belonging) highlight the constructed nature of such notions as "Europe," "Western," "Dutch," and "cultural integration."

<p>I Sverige har det alltid funnits ett behov av att förhålla sig till Ryssland och Sovjetunionen, uttryckt här i en debatt mellan de båda forskarna Stefan Hedlund och Anders Åslund i dagstidningar och genom litteratur. Min uppgift har varit att granska debatten och se vilka områden som belystes och vem som kom att få rätt år 2007/2008. Kärnan i mitt arbete är inte den faktiska historien utan argumentationen om samtiden. Där debatten om Ryssland är av det slag att den tål granskning mer än ett decennium efteråt. Rent geografiskt är Sverige ett litet land på randen av det ryska imperiet som spänner sig över nästan hela kontinenten, Sverige och de andra nordiska länderna är placerade nästan som en blockad av det ryska imperiets strävan västerut, en strävan som pågått i flera hundra år. Det ryska imperiet som fortfarande finns kvar kom att omvandlas och försvagas åtskilligt under några år i början på 1990-talet. Detta var dock konsekvensen av en enorm statsapparat, enorma militära utgifter och ett defekt ekonomiskt system.</p><p>Jag lyfter fram artiklar och litteratur producerad under de första åren efter Sovjetunionens sammanbrott och relaterar denna till nutiden genom en enkel komparation av debattklimatet. Svaret kan vara att två tydliga vägar urskiljer sig, en där Ryssland utvecklas enligt sina egna mönster och en där Östeuropa utvecklas åt en annan riktning. Idag har Polen, Ungern och Tjeckien inte mycket gemensamt med länder som Vitryssland och Moldavien som är forna Sovjetrepubliker. Det skrivs inte heller några undergångsbeskrivningar av Ryssland, något som producerades tidigare, därför finns en anledning till tillförsikt att det faktiskt inte blev som det beskrivs i några av artiklarna jag studerat.</p>

The financial decline of the traditional media; technological advances and 24/7 news cycles; and the rise of new media are transforming journalism in ways that are seen as problematic and leading towards less professional practices. In Eastern Europe this transformation tops off the still ongoing systemic transformation from communist systems, ongoing since the late 1980s. This study examines how journalists in Macedonia perceive their profession today, what they consider professional journalism, and how they define their role in Macedonian society and democracy. Macedonian media system is fragmented and financially fragile, providing an opening for political and business influence. Foreign capital in the media market is limited and only present in the print media. The ethnic diversity of the country is reflected in the mass media, thus there are number of media working in languages other than Macedonian. The research takes a humanistic approach, employing grounded theory. The researcher discovered five themes in the analysis of interviews with 32 participants: (1) Ideal vs. reality, or when journalists do not behave according to professional standards, even as they define them; (2) Self-censorship, as a rule; (3) The blame game, with older journalists blaming younger journalists, and vice versa, for the problems experienced in journalism; (4) Education, the acknowledged and ignored problem; and (5) Agents of change that cannot change anything, another exhibit of the tensions between the ideal and desired journalistic roles, and reality. These themes constitute the theoretical framework of journalism in transformation.

I Sverige har det alltid funnits ett behov av att förhålla sig till Ryssland och Sovjetunionen, uttryckt här i en debatt mellan de båda forskarna Stefan Hedlund och Anders Åslund i dagstidningar och genom litteratur. Min uppgift har varit att granska debatten och se vilka områden som belystes och vem som kom att få rätt år 2007/2008. Kärnan i mitt arbete är inte den faktiska historien utan argumentationen om samtiden. Där debatten om Ryssland är av det slag att den tål granskning mer än ett decennium efteråt. Rent geografiskt är Sverige ett litet land på randen av det ryska imperiet som spänner sig över nästan hela kontinenten, Sverige och de andra nordiska länderna är placerade nästan som en blockad av det ryska imperiets strävan västerut, en strävan som pågått i flera hundra år. Det ryska imperiet som fortfarande finns kvar kom att omvandlas och försvagas åtskilligt under några år i början på 1990-talet. Detta var dock konsekvensen av en enorm statsapparat, enorma militära utgifter och ett defekt ekonomiskt system. Jag lyfter fram artiklar och litteratur producerad under de första åren efter Sovjetunionens sammanbrott och relaterar denna till nutiden genom en enkel komparation av debattklimatet. Svaret kan vara att två tydliga vägar urskiljer sig, en där Ryssland utvecklas enligt sina egna mönster och en där Östeuropa utvecklas åt en annan riktning. Idag har Polen, Ungern och Tjeckien inte mycket gemensamt med länder som Vitryssland och Moldavien som är forna Sovjetrepubliker. Det skrivs inte heller några undergångsbeskrivningar av Ryssland, något som producerades tidigare, därför finns en anledning till tillförsikt att det faktiskt inte blev som det beskrivs i några av artiklarna jag studerat.