William Clifford (Bishop of Clifton 1857 - 1893) was one of the most influential prelates in the 19th century English Catholic Church. Consecrated at the age of 33, he was the youngest English bishop since the Reformation. In 1865 he was the preferred candidate of Acton and other Catholic liberals for the See of Westminster. His adroit defence of Pio Nonds Syllabus of Errors won him many admirers. At the First vatican Council he spoke to great effect, particularly on the issue of Papal Infallibility. This he saw as distorting the proper balance between the Pope and the college of bishops, and as antagonising unnecessarily those Protestants who were well disposed to the Church. He nevertheless remained loyal and this gave him an added influence in the post conciliar Church. Gladstone's strictures against the Vatican Decrees were brilliantly answered by Clifford who demonstrated that for a catholic there was no conflict of loyal ties as between Pope and Queen. Other issues of the day also claimed his attention. Early attempts at Reunion, the admission of catholic students to the universities, and the long-standing dispute between the bishops and the religious orders were among them. His much acclaimed articles in The Dublin Review were a pioneering attempt to find an orthodox interpretation of the account of Creation in Genesis. Clifford was fluent in Latin, Italian and French. He possessed a fine theological and legal mind, was moderate in his opinions and of an attractive personality. Almost a century after his death this is the first full-length study to have appeared. Family and diocesan archives in England have been consulted, as well as archives in Rome, the Vatican, and Spain. As a result it is hoped that this thesis will prove to be a substantial contribution to our knowledge of the ecclesiastical history of the 19th century.

This dissertation examines the methods and sources employed by Bede in the construction of his account of the Gregorian mission, thereby providing an insight into how an early medieval historian worked. In Chapter 1, I begin by setting out the context for this study, through a discussion of previous compositional analyses of Bede’s works and the resulting interpretations of the nature and purpose of his library. Chapters 2-4 analyze the sources of the narrative of the Gregorian mission in the Historia ecclesiastica. Each of Bede’s statements is interrogated and its basis established, while the ways in which he used his material to frame the story in the light of his preconceptions and agendas are examined. Chapter 5 collects all the sources identified in the earlier Chapters and organizes them thematically, providing a clearer view of the material Bede was working from. This assessment is then extended in Chapter 6, where I reconstruct, where possible, those ‘lost’ sources used by Bede and consider how the information he used reached him. In this Chapter, I also examine the implications of Bede’s possession of certain ‘archival’ sources for our understanding of early Anglo-Saxon libraries, suggesting more pragmatic purposes for them, beyond those they have usually been credited with. The Chapter ends with an assessment of Bede’s primary sources for the account of the Gregorian mission and an examination of the reasons he possessed so few. Finally, in Chapter 7, I discuss those passages of Bede’s account of the ‘mission fathers’, whose origins were not able to be established in Chapters 2-4. Bede’s use of a set of proto-homiletic sources of a hagiographic nature, dedicated to the early bishops of Canterbury and the mission, emerges. The basic outlines of this collection are set out and the context for their composition described. Throughout, the dissertation is intended not only as end in itself, but as the basis for further investigation both of Bede’s methods and sources, and those of others. In particular, the provision of a more comprehensive awareness of Bede’s resources enables future work to dispense with the narrative Bede has superimposed on his evidence. This thus lays the foundations for re-writing, and not merely re-interpreting, the history of early Christian Kent on a firmer evidential basis than previously possible.

This dissertation examines the methods and sources employed by Bede in the construction of his account of the Gregorian mission, thereby providing an insight into how an early medieval historian worked. In Chapter 1, I begin by setting out the context for this study, through a discussion of previous compositional analyses of Bede’s works and the resulting interpretations of the nature and purpose of his library. Chapters 2-4 analyze the sources of the narrative of the Gregorian mission in the Historia ecclesiastica. Each of Bede’s statements is interrogated and its basis established, while the ways in which he used his material to frame the story in the light of his preconceptions and agendas are examined. Chapter 5 collects all the sources identified in the earlier Chapters and organizes them thematically, providing a clearer view of the material Bede was working from. This assessment is then extended in Chapter 6, where I reconstruct, where possible, those ‘lost’ sources used by Bede and consider how the information he used reached him. In this Chapter, I also examine the implications of Bede’s possession of certain ‘archival’ sources for our understanding of early Anglo-Saxon libraries, suggesting more pragmatic purposes for them, beyond those they have usually been credited with. The Chapter ends with an assessment of Bede’s primary sources for the account of the Gregorian mission and an examination of the reasons he possessed so few. Finally, in Chapter 7, I discuss those passages of Bede’s account of the ‘mission fathers’, whose origins were not able to be established in Chapters 2-4. Bede’s use of a set of proto-homiletic sources of a hagiographic nature, dedicated to the early bishops of Canterbury and the mission, emerges. The basic outlines of this collection are set out and the context for their composition described. Throughout, the dissertation is intended not only as end in itself, but as the basis for further investigation both of Bede’s methods and sources, and those of others. In particular, the provision of a more comprehensive awareness of Bede’s resources enables future work to dispense with the narrative Bede has superimposed on his evidence. This thus lays the foundations for re-writing, and not merely re-interpreting, the history of early Christian Kent on a firmer evidential basis than previously possible.

This thesis is based on a study of miracle stories recorded by Anglo-Saxon ecclesiastical writers in the early part of the eighth century. It responds to a number of previous works which have concentrated solely on the miracle stories told by Bede, and argues that the stories of all the writers are the product of the historical situation. The idea that such stories were produced in order to respond to claims made in Irish or Continental hagiography, or by Anglo-Saxon paganism, is rejected; instead, we need to accept the assertion of the authors that these events were recorded because they were believed to have happened and to be of historical importance. Therefore, they provide an insight into the way that these authors approached the writing of history; an analysis of those involved in the stories, of the circumstances of the events, and of the likely transmission, suggests a close-knit circle of mainly noble monastics on whom the writers depended for information, and for whom they wrote. The miracle stories disclose that this approach to history was heavily informed by theological ideas, and by the bias of the author and his/her community. Precisely because the miracle material is to modern eyes unusual (if not incredible), these stories enable us better to understand the mind and methods of the writers on whom much of our knowledge early Anglo-Saxon history depends.

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The first Christian historian, Eusebius of Caesarea, wrote his pioneering Ecclesiastical History in the early 4th century, just after the western emperor Constantine’s “conversion” to Christianity. It was a history born of Eusebius’ present and designed for the future. Reading Eusebius and the Ecclesiastical History within the second sophistic movement, I argue that Eusebius’ picture of Christian history appropriated the past to fundamentally re-imagine the essence of Christian authority. Eusebius’ descriptions of past Christians used them as exemplars of a new model of Christian leadership designed for his 4th century context. Eusebius was writing in the first place for the Christian clergy; elite provincial Christians who shared the mores and stereotypes of their elite non-Christian neighbours. He therefore presented a model of Christian authority not based around the extreme violence of martyrdom and asceticism which had characterised the charismatic heroes of earlier 2nd and 3rd century Christian literature. It was based instead on a traditional elite rhetoric of temperance, learned through paideia and manifested in care for dependents. Around this thread Eusebius built his Empire-wide church.

The thesis aims to describe Anselm's years as prior and abbot and his archiepiscopal career. Analyzing the years spent in the Norman monastery of Bec as a missionary and teacher in its school, the thesis notes the amount of knowledge and experiences which prepared Anselm for his archiepiscopal career. His intellectual qualities and theories are examined as well as some of his highly influential theological texts. Anselm also strove to spread the reforms of his teacher and mentor at Bec and his predecessor at Canterbury, Archbishop Lanfranc. Anselm's following archiepiscopal career spanned the reigns of two kings: William Rufus and Henry I. The study proves that the policies and attitudes of both rulers were quite different. Under the reign of William Rufus, Anselm tried to bring his ideal theoretical state of things into actuality, but the king resisted everything he attempted to do. With his death, Anselm's position changed rapidly and dramatically. Henry, on the other hand, excelled in the ability to work out a compromise. In the end, Anselm's archiepiscopal career concluded with cooperation between king and archbishop.

A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo abordar a História Eclesiástica, obra pioneira de Eusébio de Cesareia, a partir do ponto de vista de sua monumentalidade. Isto é: contemplando a maneira com que os temas abordados, e sobretudo a maneira como esses temas foram expostos nas páginas da História Eclesiástica, contribuíram para a constituição de uma identidade cristã em um período em que se deu uma passagem geracional de um contexto em que os cristãos eram perseguidos pelas autoridades romanas para um período em que o cristianismo adquiriu um novo status dentro do Império Romano. Para que essa abordagem seja possível, para que seja possível tratar da História Eclesiástica como uma referência para o mundo cristão do século IV e para as futuras gerações cristãs, será considerado todo o entorno religioso e cultural que de alguma maneira influenciou o desenvolvimento e a difusão do cristianismo e esteve presente na obra monumental do bispo de Cesareia, assim como autores cristãos de diferentes períodos que encontraram na História Eclesiástica uma referência para compreender os conflitos religiosos de seu próprio tempo. / The present research aims to approach the Ecclesiastical History, a pioneer historical work written by Eusebius of Caesarea, from the point of view of its monumentality. In other words, comprising the way that the addressed subjects, especially the way those subjects were exposed on the pages of the Ecclesiastical History, contributed to the formation of a christian identity in a period in which there was a generational transition from a context when christians were pursued by the roman authorities to a period when the christian religion acquired a new status in the Roman Empire. In order to succeed in this approach, in order to make possible to consider the Ecclesiastical History a refference to the christian world from the 4th century and for future christian generations, it will be taken into account the whole religious environment that somehow influenced the growth and spread of christianity and was present in the monumental work of the bishop of Caesarea, as well as christian authors from different historical periods that found in the Ecclesiastical Historial a refference to understand the religious conflicts from their own time.

This dissertation explores how feeling was of central importance to the religiosity of Protestants in the north west of England between 1660 and 1740. It demonstrates how in their personal, familial, public and voluntary religious practices these Protestants understood the cultivation of emotions, or more precisely 'affections', as indispensable for the fulfilment of their devotional exercises. Each of these practices was constructive of communities that were linked by feeling and within which different forms of affective norms were expected. These communities preserved much of that godly culture which had otherwise characterised English Protestantism in the earlier seventeenth century. Moreover, by doing so they frequently minimised in part the importance of conformity to the Church of England. Friendships were maintained between conformists and nonconformists and they shared in a culture of religious feeling, which drew on the same topoi in their religious activities. This thesis will make original contributions to a number of debates. It challenges the prevailing narratives of a 'reaction against enthusiasm' dominating the religious discourse of the period. In contrast, it suggests that through the cultivation of feeling, Protestants in the period between the re-establishment of the Church of England and the Evangelical Revival continued to experience a vital religiosity. It thus also questions the suitability of describing some religious movements as inherently more 'emotional' than others. A more viable exploration can be found in differing forms of emotionality in different religious cultures. By examining the north west of England the thesis also revises the notion that the region was spiritually impoverished before the rise of Methodism, or that the religion provided by the Church of England and Protestant nonconformity failed to engage its attendants. The thesis is divided into five chapters which explore the affective communities to which English Protestants of the period and region belonged. These communities were concentric and sequential, in that the individual Protestant might pass between all of them depending upon their devotional practice. Chapter One examines personal religious devotion, conducted mostly alone. It demonstrates the unity between feeling and reason in personal experience of God. Chapter Two examines family religion and how it was defined by a meditative affect and engaged in by a broad spectrum of Protestant affiliation. Chapter Three explores public worship and its central role within the devotional economy; being both the affective crescendo of devotional practice and being a source of pious affections. Chapter Four looks at voluntary religious practices, showing how friendship was defined by its devotional nature and how the various religious societies of the period continued to promote an affective religiosity. Chapter Five considers clerical communities and how these were maintained across lines of conformity and also provided significant spiritual succour to the ministers of conformity and nonconformity in the region.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Watanabe.pdf: 898675 bytes, checksum: a06587bccd2a5612f2b9fc0532ab6a99 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-03-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present work had as study object the Brazilian protestant historiography, especially presbyterian, of the decades of 1950 until the beginning of 1990. The visualization of the dispute around representations in this historiography showed a dynamic of the production place, in which a simple dualist clivagem (between pursued and persecuting) is not enough for the understanding of the many interests and there involved agents. The great occurred transformations in the Brazilian religious institutions during this period had affected in differentiated way the concretely protestant historiography and citizens. From a critical one based in some estimated of New Cultural History, we visualize that the historiography constructed the protestantism from definitive problems, relations and characters which, unmixedly exclude other citizens and subjects. An interpretative project of little problematization of documents of the institutional machine was consolidated; it neglects aspects of the Brazilian religious culture, of the operationalization of the hair power and the capacity of the citizens to re-significated imposed practical speeches and / O presente trabalho teve como objeto de estudo a historiografia protestante brasileira, especialmente presbiteriana, das décadas de 1950 até o início de 1990. A visualização da disputa em torno das representações nessa historiografia mostrou um lugar de produção dinâmico, no qual uma simples clivagem dualista (entre perseguidos e perseguidores) não foi suficiente para a compreensão dos muitos interesses e agentes ali envolvidos. As grandes transformações ocorridas nas instituições religiosas brasileiras durante esse período afetaram de maneira diferenciada a historiografia e os sujeitos concretamente protestantes. A partir de uma crítica baseada em alguns pressupostos da Nova História Cultural, visualizamos que a historiografia construiu o protestantismo a partir de determinados problemas, relações e personagens os quais, invariavelmente, excluem outros sujeitos e assuntos. Foi consolidado um esquema interpretativo de pouca problematização dos documentos da máquina institucional; negligenciou aspectos da cultura religiosa brasileira, da operacionalidade do poder capilar e da capacidade dos sujeitos resignificarem discursos e práticas impostas.