A presente dissertação tem como objeto um debate que se desenvolveu durante o processo revolucionário russo, entre os anos de 1923 e 1928. Tal debate envolveu dois grupos: a Oposição de Esquerda, liderada por Leon Trotsky, e a Frente de Esquerda das Artes (LEF), movimento que aglutinou os artistas construtivistas. Ambos os grupos estavam interessados na reestruturação do modo de vida do proletariado russo como uma das dimensões do combate à burocratização do regime soviético e ao processo de modernização iniciado com a promulgação da Nova Política Econômica. A pesquisa examina, assim, as distintas posições e estratégias formuladas pela Oposição de Esquerda (e, posteriormente, Oposição Unificada) e pela LEF para o combate nos campos da cultura e do psiquismo. / This dissertation is about a debate that developed during the Russian revolutionary process, between the years 1923 and 1928. This debate involved two groups: the Left Opposition - led by Leon Trotsky - and the Left Front of Arts (LEF), a movement that brought the constructivist artists together. Both groups were interested in restructuring the way of life of the Russian proletariat as a crucial part of the fight against bureaucratization of the Soviet regime and the process of modernization, started with the enactment of the New Economic Politcy. The research thus examines the different positions and strategies formulated by the Left Opposition (and, later, the United Opposition) and the LEF for the combat in the fields of culture and psychism

No description available.

No description available.

China has been undergoing economic reform and institutional transition from a planned economy to a market economy in the past twenty years. An important product of this is the emergence of interlocking directorates, a director who sit on multiple directorate boards of corporations. The formation of interlock network reflects the ongoing changes at economic, social and corporate levels. Its functioning mechanisms are also embedded within China's unique institutional environments. Given this background, this dissertation seeks to examine the corporate network of directorship interlocks in China, specifically with regard to the following three research questions. First, what is the corporate interlock network structure? Second, why do firms form directorship interlocks? And third, how does directorship interlock influence firm performance? / Cross-sectional data from 949 listed firms in 1999 and panel data from 284 listed firms spanning eight years (1994-2001) were employed to examine the interlock network structure and test the propositions. The results show that, first, directorship interlock network reflects the key structural features of Chinese economy. Second, the formation of interlocks reflects the inter-organizational demand and the demand of external interest group coalitions. Third, due to governance failure and institutional voids, interlock network acts as a social cohesion device and enables the emerging managerial class to exploit modern corporations to the detriment of shareholders' interests. This exploitation has dampened firm performance and economic growth. Such exploitation is constrained under concentrated ownership structure and under the ownership structure with high level of state ownership. / The dissertation contributes to the current literature in the following ways. First, it reports the first examination of the structural aspect of Chinese economy. Second, borrowing the conventional wisdom in directorship interlock literature, the dissertation incorporates China's unique institutional environments in examining the antecedents and consequences of directorship interlock, transcending the narrow theoretical synthesis of current interlock studies. Third, it highlights the complex "agency problem" that has emerged during the process of China's economic development---"managerial class exploitation." Fourth, it highlights the important role of a concentrated ownership structure and state ownership in constraining and facilitating the "managerial class exploitation". The dissertation provides significant insights in the fields of transitional economy, corporate governance, and directorship interlock network. / The dissertation makes four major propositions. First, the corporate network of interlocking directorates reflects key structural aspects of the Chinese economy. Second, directorship interlock may act as a strategy helping corporations to manage inter-organizational relationships and environmental uncertainty during the institutional transition. It may also act as a device for external interest groups to counterbalance the internal corporate power and exercise their control. Third, directorship interlock may perform two functions with opposing effect on firm performance. One is to act as an inter-organizational strategy to fill the institutional voids and enhance firm performance when the market fails. The other is to act as a social cohesion device to exploit institutional voids, facilitate managerial class exploitation, and dampen firm performance when governance fails. Fourth, ownership structure is an important factor in moderating directorship interlock network effects on firm performance during the institutional transition. / Ren Bing. / "August 2005." / Adviser: Kevin Au. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-07, Section: A, page: 2653. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 265-280). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in English and Chinese. / School code: 1307.

This master thesis deals with the assessment of fiscal policy in the Czech Republic, Slovak Republic and the United States. The goal of this work is to evaluate the effect of fiscal expansion on the real economy and the country's debt. The first part deals with the theoretical definition of fiscal policy. The next section describes the main macroeconomic indicators of selected countries. The final section is devoted to assessing the effectiveness of specific fiscal stimulus and evaluating their impact on unemployment, the growth rate of GDP and public debt.

Esta tese analisa a formulação e a implementação da política econômica no Brasil durante as administrações de Jânio Quadros e João Goulart (1961-1964). O objetivo principal é compreender as razões da incapacidade do governo brasileiro para enfrentar os problemas econômicos do período, tais como a inflação e os desequilíbrios no balanço de pagamentos. Explora-se o modo pelo qual determinados grupos sociais, principalmente empresários, trabalhadores e representantes de Estados estrangeiros, interferiram nos resultados da política econômica. Por meio do uso de um amplo conjunto de fontes, abrangendo relatórios empresariais de caráter confidencial, periódicos operários, jornais comerciais e documentos dos governos brasileiro, britânico e norte-americano, conclui-se que as reações dos grupos de interesse foram fundamentais para explicar o fracasso dos planos econômicos do início dos anos 1960, apesar de cada período ter apresentado especificidades importantes. Enquanto na administração Quadros as atitudes dos empresários desempenharam um papel decisivo, na fase final da presidência de João Goulart o foco residiu no agudo conflito distributivo entre capital e trabalho, que levou ao abandono do Plano Trienal de Celso Furtado. As conclusões são relevantes na medida em que estudiosos reconhecem que a intensificação das dificuldades econômicas desse contexto tiveram um impacto decisivo na derrubada do regime político democrático em 1964, abrindo caminho para os 21 anos de regime militar no Brasil. / This thesis analyses the formulation and implementation of economic policy in Brazil during the administrations of Jânio Quadros and João Goulart (1961-1964). The main objective is to understand why the Brazilian government was unable to tackle the countrys most urgent economic problems, such as rising inflation and a mounting balance of payments crisis. To do so, the study explores the way social groups, including entrepreneurs, workers, and representatives of foreign nation states, influenced economic policy outcomes. Making use of a wide range of data from confidential employers reports, labor periodicals and commercial newspapers, through to official government sources from Brazil, the U.K. and U.S. the thesis concludes that interest groups reactions are fundamental to explaining why economic programs failed in the early 1960s. While during the administration of Jânio Quadros employers attitudes played a major role, in the final phase of João Goularts presidency, a great distributional struggle broke out between capital and labor, setting the stage for the collapse of Celso Furtados Three-Year Plan. The findings are of great relevance given scholars general recognition that the inadequacy of the Brazilian government in tackling economic problems had a decisive impact on the fall of democracy in 1964, in turn paving the way for a 21-year military dictatorship.

O mecanismo de REDD+ tem sido colocado como central para incentivar medidas de mitigação das alterações climáticas globais envolvendo os ecossistemas florestais, sendo importante a definição das modalidades de financiamento a serem adotadas no âmbito da Convenção Quadro das Nações Unidas para as Mudanças Climáticas (UNFCCC, na sigla em inglês) para a viabilização destes incentivos. Buscando contribuir para este debate, o presente trabalho analisa a relação entre as características dos projetos de REDD+ no Brasil e suas modalidades de financiamento, baseadas em fundos públicos ou no mercado de carbono. A análise é feita aplicando-se estatística descritiva e testes de hipótese a dados coletados em bases de dados de acesso público, no período de janeiro a outubro de 2015, para 89 projetos piloto de REDD+ aprovados no mercado voluntário de carbono e no Fundo Amazônia. Para descrever as características dos projetos são utilizadas 21 variáveis, elaboradas a partir de informações referenciadas como relevantes na literatura sobre REDD+ e sobre instrumentos econômicos de política ambiental. Com base nos resultados foi possível identificar que os projetos sob cada modalidade de financiamento possuem claras diferenças, convergentes com distintas concepções teóricas sobre instrumentos econômicos baseados em incentivo, sendo que os Projetos financiados por fundos públicos estão mais alinhados aos conceitos propostos pela economia ecológica e os projetos financiados por mercados de carbono são mais aderentes às premissas da economia ambiental neoclássica. Por outro lado, foram identificadas também características em que o contraste entre as duas categorias de projetos não se mostrou tão evidente, representando a necessidade destes projetos de adaptar-se às complexidades do contexto florestal e à eficiência necessária para garantir resultados esperados do REDD+. Argumenta-se assim em favor da adoção de modalidades mistas de financiamento, capazes de gerar financiamento simultaneamente a projetos sob fundos públicos e sob mercados de carbono / The REDD+ mechanism is central to foster global forest-based climate change mitigation measures. And for it to work properly, it is of great relevance that financial mechanisms to be used for these incentives are defined within the UNFCCC. Aiming to contribute to this debate, this study analyses the relationship between the characteristics of REDD+ projects in Brazil and the financing mechanisms they use: public funds or carbon markets. The analysis is conducted using statistical descriptive analysis and hypothesis testing to 21 variables that describe core project characteristics. Data was collected from public access databases between January and October 2015 for 89 projects approved under the Voluntary Carbon Market and under the Amazon Fund. Based on the analysis results it is possible to identify that the projects under each category presents clear distinctions related to conceptual differences between the financial mechanisms: projects under public funds are aligned mainly with the ecological economics view and projects under the carbon market are more adherent to the neoclassical environmental economics view. On the other hand, there are some characteristics in which this contrast is not so clear, and that represent the projects efforts to adapt to the complexities of the forest sector and to the efficiency and efficacy requirements necessary achieve the expected REDD+ results. It is argued that that a mixed financial mechanism should be adopted, in order to enable simultaneous financing to both public fund and carbon markets projects

This is a study of approaches to fisheries management in the United Kingdom (UK) between 1945 and 1996. It examines the choices and incentives faced by UK Governments when designing policy instruments to deliver international commitments to sustainable fishing. The failure of international agreements to sustainably manage fisheries resources is often attributed to international institutions, the politicization of negotiations and their distributive outcomes. This thesis makes an original contribution by arguing that the success of international agreements was also dependent upon local negotiations that shaped the design of national delivery mechanisms. The central research question concerns the role and influence of local interests in delivering global economic and environmental agendas and how national governments accommodate local tensions within this process. A sustained content analysis of UK Government archives is used to argue that local political and sectional industry interests had a significant bearing on the development of UK fisheries policy and the design of domestic delivery mechanisms. The exception was UK policy on the international distribution of fisheries resources at the United Nations Law of the Sea Conferences (1958, 1960 and 1973-82). Economic considerations drove early environmental policy with sectional fishing industry interests of secondary importance to the potential economic benefits associated with the more valuable energy resources. In then seeking to implement controls on fishing activity, this thesis argues that UK fisheries management mechanisms were designed to compensate for tension between global commitments mandating a reduction in fishing effort and the local fleets and communities that had to bear the costs of industry contraction. This created a policy-making environment in which social and political motivations continually trumped the application of economic and scientific advice. This advice advocated a contraction in the size of the fleet which had become necessary as technical change and falling stocks resulted in overcapacity. The use of fisheries policy as a political tool to ease local tensions incentivised policy choices that directly contributed to the UK's failure to reduce fishing pressure and deliver international commitments. This thesis demonstrates the importance of local negotiations and interests in the construction of national and international approaches to environmental and natural resources problems.

The inauguration of the Government of National Unity created the necessary conditions for us to start the challenging task of changing South African society for the better. This is what we had set ourselves to do during the years of struggle to rid our country of apartheid. Now South Africans can, under conditions of freedom, work together to make our country the land of our dreams. This means further enhancing the freedoms we now enjoy; improving the security of citizens at home, in the streets and at work; and raising the quality of life of all the people. Reconstruction and development means all these things: to change all aspects of our lives for the better. Among the urgent tasks the government has set itself is to work together with all citizens to improve the provision of education, health services, housing, water supply, land, electricity, refuse removal, roads and so on. This demands of government that we change the manner in which public funds have all along been used. Everything should be done to create conditions in which the economy can improve and provide more jobs. To realise all these objectives requires co-operation among us as hard-working and responsible citizens. Immediately the Government of National Unity was installed, we started the planning required to meet these goals. At the same time, we also launched Presidential Lead Projects aimed at improving the lives of especially the poor, women and children. But this was just the beginning. For, in the end, we should change the allocation of all public funds towards the new priorities. Government should involve the people more actively at all stages of reconstruction and development. We should operate in an open manner guided by the wisdom of the people themselves. From the projects started last year, many of these ideals have started to take shape. But we continue to learn many lessons. This booklet outlines the concrete steps that have been taken thus far, in the long journey towards a better life for all. As this account shows, this task is not an easy one. But, working together, in the spirit of Masakhane, South Africans are more than capable of realising the good things that our beautiful country can offer.

These adjustments applied to most ministries. However variation in the coefficient was introduced in ministries where different adjustments were deemed appropriate. For example, in the Education and Training ministry, expenditure on personnel was increased by 2% in each of Programs 2 to 6, and held constant in Program 7. / Part 2; Section 2