<p>The aim of this study is to discuss different motives behind the perceived transition from economic sanctions towards smart sanctions. The human rights aspect is also considered in the study, in terms of the wider humanism which is associated with smart sanctions. Does this relate to the fact that human rights have got an increased esteem in society, whereas economic, social and cultural rights be on equality with civil and political rights? Economic sanctions have been used extensively during the 1990s, both by the UN and by different regional organisations and countries. The hardest sanction regime has been imposed on Iraq. In this study, Iraq is used to highlight economic sanctions and the outcome is discussed in order to highlight the transition towards smart sanctions. Smart sanctions have been imposed three times till now, where Zimbabwe was the last example in February 2002. The effects of these sanctions are put in contradiction to Iraq, and the differences them between are discussed. Conclusions are that the ongoing transition and development towards smart sanctions have a multilateral character, where economic, efficiency, ideological, and humane motives areof considerable importance. The humane motives are of most significance for this development. Smart sanctions will continue to develop and be implemented, when international society find it necessary to maintain or restore peace or emphasise the existing rules or norms in the prevailing world. Despite the motives behind the transition towards smart sanctions, the dividing line between the two groups of human rights is still distinct. But due to new initiatives from both the UN and NGOs such as Amnesty International this dividing line is slowly starting to erase. It is not possible now to state that economic, social and cultural rights have got an increased esteem and be on equality with civil and political rights, but if the beginning consciousness is here to stay, it is likely to see an increased esteem in the near future.</p>

This study will examine the impact of the hotly-debated sanctions against Iran from the perspective of the civilians who live in a country other than their sanctioned homeland, yet keep ties with their country of origin, specifically Iranians immigrants in Toronto and Halifax. Using transnationalism theory, this study shows that human consequences of the sanctions are not limited to the Iranians who live inside Iran but reach out to immigrants who live across borders. In particular, the more extensive these ties are, the more severe are the effects of the sanctions on all the people involved. Although sanctions are ostensibly to pressure a government, my study demonstrates that the effect of sanctions has transnational consequences beyond that which is desirable or foreseen. This study broadens our understanding of human consequences of economic sanctions. It also has implications for policy-makers to consider their immigration populations before imposing sanctions.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Cover title. "June 2002." AD-A405 054. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-11-04Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:46:31Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 valerio_mag_dr_arafcl_parcial.pdf: 100958 bytes, checksum: 7294adeefcb29eb51f6aaf9b280c60be (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2015-07-02T12:36:02Z: valerio_mag_dr_arafcl_parcial.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-07-02T12:37:27Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000680155_20220101.pdf: 100798 bytes, checksum: b9d14a2be6a2b9eff239baa199ce1d42 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O Muro de Berlim, além de simbolizar a divisão da Alemanha Ocidental e da Oriental, também personificou a cisão do mundo em Leste e Oeste durante a Guerra Fria (1946-89), período em que o mundo ficou repartido em áreas de influência dos EUA e da URSS. Sua queda representa não apenas o ato inicial da reunificação da Alemanha Ocidental e da Oriental como marca o fim da separação do mundo em Leste e Oeste. Essa estrutura bipolar só se desfez com o fim da Guerra Fria tendo os EUA como vencedores e a URSS como derrotadas. A globalização, termo ligado às transformações no sistema econômico internacional resultante do aprofundamento das relações entre os atores, só pode ser percebida quando se avaliam seus efeitos num conjunto de mudanças em diversas áreas como a cultural, a política e a social. Todas essas transformações constatadas pelas relações internacionais dentro do processo de interdependência complexa ganharam nova dimensão. Não demorou muito para que o propalado nascimento de uma nova ordem mundial fizesse renascer a perspectiva de que o direito internacional tomaria forma, ganharia peso e seria notado como um sistema jurídico. A ONU parecia recuperar o espaço vital para garantir a paz e a segurança internacionais. A efemeridade dessas suposições logo se anunciou quando se levantaram as cortinas que cerravam o cenário do Oriente Médio revelando quão prematuro era o otimismo a respeito do engrandecimento do sistema internacional. O Emirado do Kuwait foi invadido e ocupado pelo Iraque dando início à Guerra do Golfo (1991). Por sua vez, o Conselho de Segurança respondeu a essa ofensiva estabelecendo, por meio de resoluções, uma série jamais vista de sanções econômicas internacionais. Usualmente, essas medidas são vistas como o meio termo... / The Berlin Wall, and symbolize the division of East and West Germany, also embodied the split the world into East and West during the Cold War (1946-89), during which the world was divided into areas of USA and the USSR influence. His fall is not only the initial act of reunification of East and West Germany as separate marks the end of the world into East and West. This bipolar structure only broke with the Cold War with the USA as winner and the USSR as defeated. Globalization, a term linked to changes in the international economic system resulting from the deepening of relations between actors, can only be seen when evaluating its effects in a number of changes in various areas such as cultural, political and social. All these changes observed in international relations in the process of complex interdependence gained a new dimension. It did not take long for the birth of a vaunted new world order did revive the view that international law would take shape, gain weight and be noticed as a legal system. The UN seemed to regain the living space to ensure international peace and security. The ephemerality of these assumptions was soon announced when the curtains were closing up the landscape of the Middle East was revealing how early optimism about the advancement of the international system. The Emirate of Kuwait was invaded and occupied Iraq by beginning the Gulf War (1991). In turn, the Security Council responded to this attack by establishing, through resolutions, an unprecedented series of economic sanctions. Usually, these measures are seen as the middle ground between war and peace, strength and endurance, armed conflict and pending diplomatic, violence and nonviolence. They were unable... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.

The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.

In 2014 The Russian Federation has become, according to The Ukraine Crisis, an object of the economic sanctions implement ion. The aim of this thesis is the analysis of impacts of the sanctions based on the theoretical prepositions and historical examples from praxis. The first part of the thesis describes the theoretical basis, history of sanction restrictions and their implementation by OSN and EU. The second part of the thesis is focused on the real-life examples of the implementation of the economic sanctions. The detailed analysis of the Russian case is followed by the evaluation of the impacts on international, political and trade relations with The European Union and the Czech Republic. Then the formed and future cost for The Russian Federation, European Union and The Czech Republic are evaluated as well.

While dominant International Relations (IR) theory has constructed the concept of security in such a way that excludes economic sanctions from considerations of violence, the track record of embargo tells a different story, one with a significantly higher death toll. This project challenges the borders of the hegemonic IR discourse to make room for a theoretical and political account of the deadly impacts of sanction regimes. Through a discourse analysis of IR theory, using Laclau and Mouffe’s holistic discourse theory, it looks to the spaces of meaning negotiation emerging from feminist IR theory. The renegotiated concepts of human security and structural violence make visible economic sanctions as acts of violence, and displace the binary oppositions of international/domestic, military/economic, public/private which shield embargo from the sight of its own violence. Having broken embargo out of its conceptually locked box, this project pushes further, and interrogates the connections of embargo and empire. Embargo functions to uphold imperial control and Western interests, while (re)producing racist colonial narratives. While deconstructing and reconstructing three competing understandings of embargo – embargo-as-nonviolent, embargo-as-violence, and embargo-as-imperial – I interrogate the political implications of hegemonic ways of knowing. I argue that, by challenging the hegemony of IR, we can unmask the practice of embargo, and locate its violent role in upholding imperial structures of power. / Graduate

When do foreign influence attempts succeed in obtaining concessions from targeted states, and why do they so often fail? Powerful states employ a broad range of foreign policy tools in their dealings with other countries, but their ability to successfully exert power varies. This project seeks an explanation for the patchy record of foreign aid and economic sanctions in the political incentives of targeted leaders. Understanding the process of foreign policy success and failure requires considering both the effect of intervention on leader survival and the domestic cost of providing concessions. In both respects, the type of sanction interacts with targets' domestic context. Dynamic trends in leadership experience and political support, strength of political opposition, and regime type condition both the probability of sanctions' effectively tapping into target incentives and the difficulty of providing concessions. My framework and analyses push beyond standard conceptualizations of leader incentives and foreign policy in several ways. The theory unites positive and negative strategies rather than treating them as divergent phenomena. I also break the traditional dichotomy of democratic and autocratic regimes, modeling dynamic political processes and explicitly incorporating the political opposition. I pursue a multi-stage modeling technique which more faithfully represents the strategic encounters between sending and targeted states and furthers our understanding of the interplay between external demands and domestic political incentives. The findings suggest many strategies utilized for targeting aid and economic sanctions may be faulty. Sending states' best bet for achieving concession may be to target leaders whose place in office is very secure, yet empirically they pursue the opposite strategy. Contrary to much theory in the literature, I also find that even ineffective negative sanctions can achieve success provided the target faces few domestic challenges. The probability of concession also increases when states demand concessions of a diffuse and symbolic nature, rather than changes to the status quo which would hurt a private domestic interest. A strong political opposition magnifies the relative ease of public-costs concessions, suggesting that challenging parties compete for the favor of elites rather than championing the public interest.

The aim of this is to develop a theoretical framework for addressing the usage and effects of economic sanctions, through a postcolonial perspective on the human rights discourse, by examining how economic sanctions can be legitimized even though proven to be ineffective and harmful to civilians. The main theoretical framework is based on a postcolonial perspective on the human rights discourse and how it relates to liberalism, imperialism and international law - to further understand the role that economic sanctions has. Further, the effectiveness of sanctions is assessed through different perspectives from researchers opposed to economic sanctions as well as researchers that promote the use of economic sanctions. Examples of sanctions against Iraq, Myanmar and Cuba will be highlighted in terms of impacts on health, food, economy and so on. The thesis states that economic sanctions are mostly ineffective and have devastating effects on the civilian population of sanctioned states and that the notion that they promote human rights therefore proves the sanctions paradox to be inevitable.