Vegeu lbresum1de1.pdf

Este estudo busca fornecer subsídios para uma interpretação científica inovadora acerca de um fenômeno político e social pouco estudado na academia brasileira e, portanto, praticamente desconhecido do público nacional: a ascensão de um tipo especial de Islã político e militante representando no partido xiita libanês Hizballah durante a chamada guerra civil libanesa, cujo armistício coincidiu com o fim da Guerra Fria em 1989-91. Os grupos políticos e milicianos conservadores, progressistas e reformistas do conflito libanês, bem como a ingerência externa regional e internacional em favor de uns ou de outros e nos assuntos internos libaneses representaram o impulso que faltava para a culminação de um processo político e social que, desde os anos 1960, encontrava-se em gestação na comunidade xiita, historicamente à margem das instituições estatais e do controle das relações sociais de produção libanesas. Após o fim do conflito, o Hizballah adaptou e aprofundou um protagonismo político, econômico e social nunca antes observado entre os xiitas libaneses ao decidir participar das primeiras eleições parlamentares e municipais do pós-guerra. A partir do ano 2000, o partido adotou a defesa de uma espécie de nacionalismo concorrente de outras comunidades e grupos libaneses, e contrário a determinados agentes e interesses externos no Líbano. Ademais, o Hizballah assumiu a projeção e a execução de programas econômicos e sociais de assistência a parcelas da sociedade libanesa, sobretudo xiitas, destroçadas pelo conflito que recém findara e desamparadas por um Estado frágil e quase inexistente em diversas esferas. / This study intends to come up with an innovative scientific approach on a social and political phenomenon which is not a common subject or case study amongst Brazilian academics and, therefore, is deeply unknown to its national audience, i.e.: the rise of a special category of political and militant Islamist movement which is represented in the Lebanese Shiite party known as Hizballah during the Lebanese Civil War, whose armistice has coincided with the ending of the Cold War between 1989 and 1991. The conservative, progressive and reformist political groups and militias which have taken part in the Lebanese conflict, as well as foreign intervention be it regional or international in support of one or another of those parties at war and on Lebanese internal affairs have represented the impetus that lacked for the culmination of a social and political process which, since the 1960s, had been maturing among the Shiite community, historically marginalized and at bay respect to the states structure and services and to the control of Lebanese social relations of production. After the ending of the war, Hizballah has adapted and deepened its political, economic and social activism in a way that has never been observed before amongst Lebanese Shiites, especially when, back in the 1990s, the party decided to participate in the first parliamentary and municipal elections held in Lebanon after the war was over. In the 2000s, Hizballah has adopted the defense of a specific type of nationalism which competes with other Lebanese groups and sects and which is contrary to several foreign interests and agencies on Lebanon. Besides, Hizballah has taken on elaborating and performing social and economic welfare programs aimed at the Lebanese society, especially the Shiites, who have been devastated by the turmoil that not long ago had come to an end and hence felt helpless and abandoned by a fragile and absent state in many different ways and stances.

Social networks tend to shape our views about the world. Our study conducts an empirical analysis of social network dynamics using Twitter data. We ask whether social networks influence voting decisions, and determine whether or not people make consistent choices based on their tweets or what they believe. We collect Twitter data on a daily basis, with dynamic social network measurements before, during, and after the 2012 Presidential election. We identify how people should believe based on their ideological profiles. We use lexicographical analysis to check if ideological key words are present in a user's tweets, and if the overall sentiment on this issue is positive or negative. We utilize this data to determine how people should have chosen an outcome which may conflict with an individual's observed declaration of political ideology. We are able to determine what percentage of the population made a consistent choices based on their Tweets during the 2012 presidential election. Additionally, we examine the social network structure in Twitter and how it affects voting. We illustrate that an individual's political ideology is influenced by others in their network.\\ Consumer confidence is an economic indicator which measures the degree of optimism that consumers feel about the overall state of the economy as well as their personal financial situation. We will show that consumer sentiment can be measured via analysis of social networks. Specifically, we perform a lexicographic analysis of Twitter data over a three month period. After careful analysis, we find that not only does talk intensity of economic issues cause shifts in the daily stock market prices but has a significant negative affect.\\ The study of religion has enjoyed distinction and legitimacy within sociology, psychology, anthropology, and political science for many years. This paper concerns the extent to which economic opinion is embedded in structure of religious social relations. We hope to enhance the empirical study of homophily and the economics of behavior by showing how beliefs, norms, and values are affected by religion and, by extension, morals, and culture. We utilize a technique called cluster analysis to determine homophilic ties within a single attribute, religiosity. We see that religion affects economic attitudes and activities of individuals, groups, and societies. Further, religion influences how behavior and institutions are affected by social relations and in our case homophily. This influence is one of the classic questions of social theory.

Este estudo busca fornecer subsídios para uma interpretação científica inovadora acerca de um fenômeno político e social pouco estudado na academia brasileira e, portanto, praticamente desconhecido do público nacional: a ascensão de um tipo especial de Islã político e militante representando no partido xiita libanês Hizballah durante a chamada guerra civil libanesa, cujo armistício coincidiu com o fim da Guerra Fria em 1989-91. Os grupos políticos e milicianos conservadores, progressistas e reformistas do conflito libanês, bem como a ingerência externa regional e internacional em favor de uns ou de outros e nos assuntos internos libaneses representaram o impulso que faltava para a culminação de um processo político e social que, desde os anos 1960, encontrava-se em gestação na comunidade xiita, historicamente à margem das instituições estatais e do controle das relações sociais de produção libanesas. Após o fim do conflito, o Hizballah adaptou e aprofundou um protagonismo político, econômico e social nunca antes observado entre os xiitas libaneses ao decidir participar das primeiras eleições parlamentares e municipais do pós-guerra. A partir do ano 2000, o partido adotou a defesa de uma espécie de nacionalismo concorrente de outras comunidades e grupos libaneses, e contrário a determinados agentes e interesses externos no Líbano. Ademais, o Hizballah assumiu a projeção e a execução de programas econômicos e sociais de assistência a parcelas da sociedade libanesa, sobretudo xiitas, destroçadas pelo conflito que recém findara e desamparadas por um Estado frágil e quase inexistente em diversas esferas. / This study intends to come up with an innovative scientific approach on a social and political phenomenon which is not a common subject or case study amongst Brazilian academics and, therefore, is deeply unknown to its national audience, i.e.: the rise of a special category of political and militant Islamist movement which is represented in the Lebanese Shiite party known as Hizballah during the Lebanese Civil War, whose armistice has coincided with the ending of the Cold War between 1989 and 1991. The conservative, progressive and reformist political groups and militias which have taken part in the Lebanese conflict, as well as foreign intervention be it regional or international in support of one or another of those parties at war and on Lebanese internal affairs have represented the impetus that lacked for the culmination of a social and political process which, since the 1960s, had been maturing among the Shiite community, historically marginalized and at bay respect to the states structure and services and to the control of Lebanese social relations of production. After the ending of the war, Hizballah has adapted and deepened its political, economic and social activism in a way that has never been observed before amongst Lebanese Shiites, especially when, back in the 1990s, the party decided to participate in the first parliamentary and municipal elections held in Lebanon after the war was over. In the 2000s, Hizballah has adopted the defense of a specific type of nationalism which competes with other Lebanese groups and sects and which is contrary to several foreign interests and agencies on Lebanon. Besides, Hizballah has taken on elaborating and performing social and economic welfare programs aimed at the Lebanese society, especially the Shiites, who have been devastated by the turmoil that not long ago had come to an end and hence felt helpless and abandoned by a fragile and absent state in many different ways and stances.

This study considers the changing ideals of marriage during the 19th century as reflected in acollection of Swedish bourgeoisie love-letters from the 1870s. Through a combined quantitative andqualitative effort the goal is to establish how adherents to the relatively new ideal of marriage forthe sake of romantic love; thought, wrote and experienced the material aspects of marriage. It alsoaspires to shed light on how traditional family influence on the marital sphere survived the proposedshift in ideals.The study finds that family, economy and shared feelings were themes that dominated the letters.Individuals that adhered to the ideal of romantic love spent considerable time realizing the materialpre-requisites of marriage. This leads to a conclusion that marriage ideals and marriage practiceevolved at different paces. Family influence largely survived the change of ideals through paternalauthority, individual immersion in the family-dominated socio-economic network and aspirations ofthe young to retain the socio-economic status of their elders.

A number of attempts have been made to facilitate agricultural trade liberalisation over the last decades. In spite of these efforts, trade liberalisation of agricultural and food processed goods has been modest. It is argued that this lack of trade liberalisation is explained by the existence of governments that are politically biased in the sense that they place anti-trade policies in order to favour powerful sectors in the economy. While there exists some evidence supporting this argument, it is difficult to assess how these biases influence agricultural trade patterns because existing quantitative modelling approaches do not normally consider simultaneously key aspects that characterise the food industry such as intra-industry trade and the existence of intermediaries in the supply chain with significant market power, among others. The objective of this thesis is to offer an alternative theoretical model that has the potential to accommodate these key aspects and corresponds to an international trade network model that extends the framework developed by Goyal and Joshi (2006). The model was solved by means of simulations and the results revealed that policy biased indeed can prevent trade liberalisation of agricultural and food processed goods. However, other factors that apparently have not been reported so far and that are related to the market power exercised by intermediaries were identified. They correspond to the position of a country in the trade network (i.e. a country occupying a central position in the network is less likely to support trade liberalisation independently of any policy bias), the possibility that global free trade is an unlikely outcome, and the possibility that the world is trapped in an inefficient international trade network. The results also revealed that the adoption of compensatory lump sum payments across countries (i.e. inter-node transfers) or across sectors within a country (i.e. intra-node transfers) could be used a potential tools to achieve global free trade in agriculture as they can compensate losers from trade by gainers achieving, as a consequence, Pareto improving outcomes.

L’objectif de cette recherche est de promouvoir une nouvelle approche de l'analyse des systèmes urbains régionaux, tenant compte du progrès technologique et des évolutions contemporaines dans les modes d'organisation de la vie et du travail. Nous avons souhaité expérimenter la « Théorie des villes en réseau » sur notre cas étude. En effet cette approche est évoquée comme un « modus operandi » alternatif par d'éminents géographes, sociologues et économistes parmi lesquels Manuel Castells, Roberto Camagni, Georg Simmel et Jan van Dijk. La « Théorie des villes en réseau » présente deux avantages principaux en comparaison des théories traditionnelles. Ces avantages résident dans la prise en compte de deux phénomènes postérieurs aux théories traditionnelles : d’une part, la prise en considération de nouveaux contextes socio-spatiaux ; d’autre part, l’appréhension de l’évolution des processus de transmission de la connaissance. / With the purpose to promote a new approach to the analysis of regional urban systems which takes into account the technological progress and the contemporary evolutions in the ways of organizing, living and working, we felt compelled to seek the evidence of the “City-network” theory as an alternative modus operandi evoked by some prominent geographers, sociologists and economists such as Manuel Castells, Roberto Camagni, Georg Simmel, Jan van Dijk and others. The advantages of the “City-network” theory as compared to the traditional theories are in understanding that there are new socio-spatial contexts and that the contemporary knowledge travels along “pipelines” between cities, towns, cultures which are neither spatial nor strictly hierarchical. The network is seen as a structure where the nodes are cities and towns connected by the link of different nature, through which socio-economic flows are exchanged.