Teachers and others who are not representative participants in the authorized governance structure often find they must make decisions concerning the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education. These "evaluators-at-the-fringe' of the formal policy-formation structure find themselves being 'gate-keepers' for what will be considered legitimate attempts to influence public education. Having defensible criteria for determining the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education policy is important. Without such criteria, resources will be wasted on the implementation of inappropriate attempts to influence public education. Or, just as important, influences which could be beneficial for the students, or for the society as a whole, may never be seriously considered. In this paper it is argued that criteria for evaluating attempts to influence public education can be derived from the obligation to participate in the promotion of the public good, the right of individuals to self-preservation, the obligations associated with justice as fairness, and the duty to acknowledge the insights of the `marketplace of ideas.' It is argued that there is an underlying tension between the rights of citizens to influence public policy and the rights of children being raised. It is established that the right of citizens to participate in the debate concerning the nature of public education policy follows necessarily from the conditions for a satisfactory democratic social arrangement. The legitimacy of individual attempts to influence public education policy is evaluated using a two part process. The first step in the process is to categorize the attempt to influence according to the kind of interests that appear to be motivating the attempt. The second step is to evaluate critical aspects of the attempt in terms of the criteria. Only attempts which are judged legitimate in terms of these criteria are eligible for any consideration as a possible influence on public education policy. The paper concludes with an application of the framework to several examples of attempts to influence public education policy. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

The topic under consideration is the rhetoric of British Columbia's political leaders and their strategic use of language whereby the government maintains its position of power and authority, implements its own ideological priorities, even if unpopular, and deprives the opposition of its ability to effectively mount a counter strategy. Aspects of political philosophies, human nature, scientific knowledge, education, and alternate feminist political philosophical views are presented. Brief sketches of Constitutionalism, The Rule of Law and ideological bases of modern political systems, liberalism and socialism, are considered in the context of a political spectrum that spans communism to fascism. An analytical framework adapted from the classical rhetoric of Aristotle and the new rhetoric of Kenneth Burke is used to examine the rhetoric and actions of the political leaders of British Columbia. Findings indicate that the strategies employed are effective and persuasive to the dominant majority of the populace. Components of strategy are identified which are deemed necessary in order that a democratically elected government may pursue successfully, a revolutionary political ideological change in its philosophy. Priorities and areas of social concern are identified in terms of their esteem for the present government leaders. The market principle and technology are the sacred cows. Education of a liberal kind, women, the welfare state, are a sow's ear. One recommendation is that adult education unite with movements that espouse and practice like philosophies so that it is strengthened and rejuvenated in its mandate and not precipitated to bend to the prevailing political ideology. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This study compiles a series of cases and controversies in American education, from the popularization of public education in the mid-1800's to the present, and then reviews them to determine scholarly political aspects, common themes, and trends. It then applies the identified themes to a model of “the school as a responsive political system” fashioned after David Easton's "Dynamic Response Model of a Political System” to demonstrate the operative nature of the themes. The paper reviews the plight of Negro education in Alabama after the Civil War until 1901. It discusses accommodation in the realm of education as the United States began its massive move toward industrialization and the corresponding move toward child-centered education. It discusses controversies in the reform era of the 1920's and the turmoil to the educational system in the cold war period after World War II. It looks at cases involving sectarian to non-sectarian education of the 1800's and the anguish of disappointed educators with the trends of public education and the Progressive Education Association in the Great Depression period. Finally, the paper reviews cases involving charges of indoctrination against public schools, recent controversies (since 1954) in integration and segregation, and cases involving modern educational alternatives. The paper identifies three themes consistently present in educational controversy: 1) the desire of the people to have all children successfully master the basic fundamentals of reading, writing and arithmetic, 2) the desire of the people to have the schools emphasize moral and spiritual values which are similar to their own, and 3) the opposition of the people to what was believed by them to be an attempt by the school to foster some dimly defined kind of socialistic theory which would replace individualism with group goals and competition with cooperation. The paper then analyzes the cases and situations with respect to the identified themes. The paper uses the framework developed by David Easton to construct a simple framework from which to view the three identified themes. It shows the three themes to be the true demands behind a variety of issues which create controversy in education. Briefly, the paper then reviews the adapt ion of the educational system to the demands. Finally, the paper concludes that lithe school" will persist as a viable political system if it can accurately analyze the basic nature of the issues confronting it, in terms of the three identified themes.

This dissertation examined the notion of teacher as an agent of social change. The participants were feminist, university teachers. The study is important because it explored schools as political sites where teaching and learning are understood in terms of democratic citizenship and social justice. The theoretical base for the research was neo-marxist theory drawing specifically on the concept of teacher as "transformative intellectual". The case study strategy, following an ethnographic model, was the qualitative research method employed. Symbolic interactionism was the theoretical orientation of the methodology. It was selected because of its consistency with the perspective that meaning is socially constructed which was an assumption of the study. Data analysis took the form of the constant comparative method. Two notions of validity that guided the study were the mutual development of self-consciousness by inquirer and respondents, and the creation of a dialogical ethnographic text which avoids violation of the participants realities. The findings of the study suggest that the notion of transformative intellectual may rely too heavily on abstract, and highly rationalistic, constructions of "experience", "empowerment" and "dialogue" as transformative strategies. Moreover, the study underscores a need to attend to the transformative intellectual as complicit in the production, and legitimation, of certain kinds of knowledges, in the context of pedagogy as an "interactive productivity". Additionally, "transformative" may not refer to a state, or characteristic, of an individual teacher but rather to a relationship between individuals in a group. Finally, the study points to the immense difficulties posed by the university institution to the work of the would-be transformative intellectual. Further research may be needed to explore individual and group efforts to overcome those difficulties faced by the teacher as an agent of social change. / Ed. D.

Understanding how change occurs in lesser developed countries, particularly in Latin America has been the subject of a prolonged theoretical academic debate. That debate has emphasized economics more that politics in general and predictability over unpredictability in the Latin American region. This paper challenges these approaches. Explaining change requires an examination of the politics of public policy as much as its economic dimensions. Second, change in the Latin American region may be less predictable than it appears. Scholars maintain that change in Latin America occurs when contending elites negotiate it. Their power comes from the various resources they possess. Change, therefore, is not expected to occur as a function of regime change per se. This paper considers the treatment of education policy in Nicaragua during the regimes of the dynastic authoritarianism of Anastasio Somoza Debayle (1967-1979), the revolutionary governments of the Sandinistas (1979-1990), and the democratic-centrist government of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (1990-1996). The central research question is: When regimes change, do policies change? The methodology defines the independent variable as the regime and education policy as the dependent variable. It posits three hypotheses. The right-wing regime of Somoza was expected to restrict both the qualitative aspects and the financing of education; (2) the left-wing regimes of the Sandinistas were hypothesized to have expanded both; and (3) the democratic-centrist regime of Chamorro was expected to have both expanded and restricted certain aspects of education policy. Several chapters describe these regimes' expansive or restrictive education strategies. A comparative analysis of these 26 years demonstrates several variables' effect over time. An OLS regression and a times series analysis specifies the relationship between regime change and percent of GDP each regime devoted to education. Both the statistical and qualitative findings of this study confirm the hypotheses. The study reveals that, as regimes changed, education strategies and policies changed. Such findings challenge some current thought about political behavior with respect to Latin American development in particular and development theory in general.

Having synthesized several leadership perspectives (Fullan 2001, Day et al. 2001, Gardner 2004), the model of "School leadership in the context of change" was constructed in three dimensions: "leadership cognitions", "leadership decisions" and "leadership strategies". This model takes into account the characteristics of successful leadership of schools in changing times. / The "patriotic schools" in Hong Kong are being analyzed. Several "critical incidents" of the schools are identified. They constitute four major contexts of change: (1) politics; (2) educational policy; (3) power and governance; and (4) value and aspiration. In response to external changes, the "patriotic schools" experienced internal changes in terms of three dimensions: (1) educational goals and values---"particularism" and "universalism"; (2) school administration---"moral education" and "academic education"; and (3) teaching staff---"alumni teachers" and "graduate teachers". / Two "patriotic schools" are sampled for qualitative analysis. The findings imply that school leaders have successfully dealt with external dilemmas by rebuilding shared vision among all stakeholders in the change process. Consequently, the "patriotic schools" joined Direct Subsidy Scheme and received public funding. It is recommended that school leaders have to solve internal dilemmas between "political aspiration" and "educational effectiveness" in order to pursue success in the future. / 黃頌良. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(p. 231-255). / Adviser: Nai Kwai Leslie Lo. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-03, Section: A, page: 0835. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (p. 231-255). / Huang Songliang.

Orientador: Ricardo Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T04:41:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_JosedosSantos_D.pdf: 24370021 bytes, checksum: be3f10afd75d207913239f021591c031 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: No limiardo séculoXXI, a propagação de uma nova culturado trabalho e da produção,articulada à redefinição da relação entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, trouxe consigo o surgimento de novas demandas de formação de competências sociais e profissionais na classe trabalhadora. No caso brasileiro,para atendertais demandas,o empresariado e o Estado buscaram a adesão da classe trabalhadora ao seu projeto de universalização da educação básica e de ampliação das oportunidades de educação profissional.Para este fim, implementaram uma nova institucionalidade para a formação/qualificação profissional capaz de acionar o consentimento ativo dos trabalhadores por meio da gestão tripartite e paritária dos fundos públicos.Desse modo,a política de formação/qualificação profissional constitui-se não apenas em campo estratégicopara o aumento da produtividade e competitividade das empresas,mas tambémem campo de disputa de hegemonia.Diante desta problemática,esta tese analisaa ação da CUT,da Força Sindical,da CGTe da SDS no campo da política de formação/qualificaçã profissional como objetivo de verificar se ocorre uma ação consciente de disputa de hegemonia ou uma espécie de consentimento ativo diante da reforma da política de formação/qualificaçã profissional Os dadosf oram coletados a partir de fontes bibliográficas primárias, tais como:resoluções de congressos e plenárias nacionais;documentos sobre reestruturação produtiva e educação;panfletose revistas.Outros dados foram coletados por meio de revisão de literatura sobre sindicalismo brasileiroe por meio de entrevistas.Verificou-se que, de maneiras distintas,as centrais sindicais apontam a formação/qualificaçã profissional como fator de aumento da produtividade e da competitividade das empresas condição indispensável par a inserção do país no mercado globalizado. Além disto,entendem que o sucesso na concorrência dessas empresas no mercado internacional seria a alternativa para o desemprego.Esta característica configura relativa confluência de interesses entre as centrais sindicais,o empresariado e o governo. Apesar do esforço da CUT em formular um projeto de formação/qualificação profissional alternativo àquele do empresariado, esta não se furta à participação ativa na política governamental, sob a justificativa de disputa de hegemonia. Carente de um projeto genuinamente anticapitalista e,sse esforço da CUT viu-se permeado de contradições e cada vez mais distante do projeto de rompimento definitivo com a dualidade entre formação parao trabalho e formação para a vida social, rumo à formação omnilateral, de caráter politécnico,de naturezacientífica e tecnológica. A Força Sindical busca conformar a classe trabalhadora às novas exigências de formação/qualificação social e profissional. A. CGTe a SDS,praticamente oscilam entre as formulações da CUTe da ForçaSindical,r espectivamente. Concluiu-se que o principal limite destas centrais para formular um projeto alternativo para a formação/qualificação do trabalhador consiste no imediatismo de seus planos de ação para enfrentar o desemprego e no pragmatismo de suas formulações. Conformadas no projeto empresarial de interdependência entre educação básica e educação profissional até mesmo a CUT, entral mais crítica, mantém-se nos limites do projeto liberal-democrata para a formação do trabalhador naatualidade. As demais centrais pesquisadas seja por opção política ou por ausência de propostas,também se conformam nos limites do projeto educativo liberal democrata. Esta conformação, combinada com a participação ativa destas centrais nos fóruns gestores da política de formação/qualificação profissional instituídas pelo Governo,configuram o consentimento ativo do sindicalismo brasileiro às ações do empresariado e do governo no campo da política de formação/qualificação profissional. (Financiamento CNPq) / Abstract: In the dawning of the XXI Century, the spread of a newc ulture of labor and production articulated with the redefinition of the relationship between the State and Civil Society,brought with it the emergence of new demands rregarding the constitution of social and professional competencies in the working class. In the Brazilian case,the State and entrepreneurs, in order to attend to these new necessities,sought the adhesion of the working class to its project of universalization f basic education and the increase in opportunities for professional education.For that end, they implemented a new institutionalityin professional formation/qualification that would be able to put in action activeconsent through a three party and egalitarian management of public funds. In this manner the policy for professional formation/qualffication becomes not only a strategic site for the increase in productivity and competitiveness of enterprises,but also a site for hegemony disputes.In the face of this,the action of CUT ,Força sindical,CGTand SDS regarding professional formation/qualification is analyzed,in order to verifyif a conscious dispute for hegemony or a kind of activ econsent occurs associated with reform of the formation/qualification policies.Data was collected from primary bibliographical sources,such as: resolution strom congresses and national plenaries;documents on productive reestructuration and education;pamphlets and magazines.Other data was collected from a revision of the literature on Brazilian syndicates and through interviews.It was verified that, in different ways,the syndicate centrais point to professional formation/qualification as a factor in the increaseof productivity and in the competitiveness of companies,an essential condition for the insertion of Brazilin the globalized market. Beyond that, they understand that the sucess in the competition between these companiesin the intemational market would be an altemative to unemployment. This characteristic points to a relative agreement of interests that emerges among syndicates,entrepreneurs and govemment.Despite the efforts of CUT towards formulating professional of formation/qualification project alternative to the one thought out by entrepreneurs, this syndicate centra ldoes not shy away from active participation in government policies,under the justification of a fight for hegemony. Lacking a trulyanti-capitalist project, this effort from CUT is permeated with contradictions and became increasingly distant from the definitive break witht he duality between a formation for labor and formation for sociallife,a move towards an omnilateral formation havinga politechnical character,with a scientific and technological nature.Força Sindical tries to conformthe working classes to the new dernands of social and professional formation/qualification. CGT and SDS oscillate between the projects coming from CUTand Força Sindical, respectively.The conclusion i sthat the main limit these syndicate centrais face in trying to formulate alternative projects for worker formation/qualification is the short-term character of their plans of action for fighting unemployment and in the pragmatism present in their formulations.Conformed to the empresariaL project of interdependence between basic and professional education even CUT, the most critical central,stays safely within the limits of the liberal-democratic project for worker formation cantemporarity. The other centralsresearched due to polítical options or a lack of proposals have also conformed to the liberal-democratic education project.This conformation,combined with their active participation in the management organs for professional formation/qualification instituted by the government,configure the active can sent of Brazilian syndicalism to the actions of the entrepreneurs and of the govemment in the site of professional formation/qualification(Financed byCNPq) / Doutorado / Sociologia do Trabalho / Doutor em Sociologia

The proposed study intended to identify the public education agenda and the success of implementation of this agenda of four Presidents: Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, William Clinton, and George W. Bush. In addition, the study aimed to indentify if any of the above listed Presidents can be categorized as charismatic leaders as defined by Charismatic Leadership Theory and if this categorization can be linked to the determined success or failure of the agenda implementation. This was done using two research methods, document and content analysis, on such documents as presidential speeches and writings, speeches and writings of the Secretary of Education, biographies and autobiographies, editorials from three major newspapers, writings from people working closely with the Presidents, writing of political analysts, and writing of Senate and House majority leadership. The study found the education agendas of the four presidents, and those education items that were passed by Congress. The study also found that Reagan, George H.W. Bush, and Clinton were found to be Charismatic Leaders, while George W. Bush was not. A conclusion was made with this data that there were no connection between Charismatic Leadership Theory and the passage of presidential education agendas. / by Randye Shanfeld. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2011. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2011. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Orientador(a): Rita Luciana Berti Bredariolli / Banca: Rejane Galvao Coutinho / Banca: Anna Mae Tavares Bastos Barbosa / Resumo: No final do século XIX, o anarquismo chegou ao Brasil graças a imigração europeia, estimulada tanto pela crise econômica alguns países do continente, como a Itália, Espanha e Portugal, quanto pelo financiamento a essa imigração por parte do governo brasileiro, sobretudo no Estado de São Paulo. A consolidação do anarquismo no interior da classe operária paulistana - classe social que começou a surgir com a progressiva reconfiguração do capitalismo brasileiro que começou a dar seus primeiros passos à industrialização - fomentou uma cultura própria, desdobrando-se na música, teatro, poesia, literatura e na educação, com a abertura de escolas libertárias. Nossa narrativa contará a história das Escolas Modernas de São Paulo, que funcionaram na década de 1910 nos bairros operários do Brás e Belenzinho. Falar sobre elas teve, basicamente, dois objetivos: primeiro, contribuir para a história do anarquismo, da educação e da arte/educação no Brasil - considerando que há pouca bibliografia sobre elas ou ainda a sua omissão nas narrativas oficiais; segundo, tentar compreender de que maneira a cultura libertária formada na classe trabalhadora em questão se conciliava com o programa curricular das Escolas e se, por consequência, contou com aulas de artes que se contrapunham ao currículo oficial. Esse trabalho só foi possível a partir da consulta e leitura de documentos preservados em alguns acervos, em conjunto ao material bibliográfico existente / Résumé: À la fin du XIXème siècle, l'anarchisme est arrivé au Brésil grâce à l'immigration européenne, stimulée à la fois par la crise économique dans certains pays du continent, tels que l'Italie, l'Espagne et le Portugal, et par le financement de cette immigration par le gouvernement brésilien, en particulier dans l'État de São Paulo. La consolidation de l'anarchisme au sein de la classe ouvrière de la ville de São Paulo - une classe sociale qui a commencé à émerger avec la reconfiguration progressive du capitalisme brésilien qui commeçait à faire ses premiers pas vers l'industrialisation - a favorisé la création d'une culture propre, qui s'est étendue à la musique, au théâtre, à la poésie, la littérature et l'éducation, avec l'ouverture des écoles libertaires. Notre récit racontera l'histoire des Écoles Modernes de São Paulo, qui ont fonctionné pendant les années 1910 dans les quartiers ouvriers du Brás et Belenzinho. Parler de ces écoles avait deux objectifs principaux: premièrement, contribuer à l'histoire de l'anarchisme, de l'éducation et de l'art/éducation au Brésil - compte tenu du fait qu'il existe peu de bibliographie à leur sujets ou même leur omission dans les récits officiels; deuxièmement, essayer de comprendre la manière dont la culture libertaire formée dans la classe ouvrière en question s'est réconciliée avec le programme éducationnel des Écoles et si, par conséquent, elle comptait sur des classes d'art que s'opposaient au programme officiel. Ce travail n'a été... (Résumé complet accès életronique ci-dessous) / Mestre

In a world replete with many views of education, it is perhaps easier to notice the differences amongst educational perspectives rather than the interconnections. The role of this thesis is to bring together some of these perspectives through a conceptual analysis of place and its links to education, self, and ESL. Place is a term used in environmental philosophy to refer to a particular space or region as experienced by a person, and to the relationships and responsibilities which connect that person to the world in which he or she lives. Environmental philosophers argue that the relationships bound up in place intimately shape who we are as individuals and the life choices that we make. I will differentiate further between four aspects of place, and address what it could mean to allow a sense of place to influence my life more deeply: what it means to be placeful. Investigation of the politics of place and the impact of race, class, power, and global inequalities on place experiences — areas I cannot explore deeply here - are important areas of research to continue to expand this conversation. The role of place in education is dynamic. I come to the classroom as an educator with two main passions: concern for the learners and concern for the environment. Through an understanding and awareness of place, environmental education and cornmunity/experience-based pedagogy can come together to develop an educational system which will address the needs of the learners, help them develop their understanding of self and place, and encourage care for and awareness of the environment. Jane McRae and Winnie Tarn, two educators of the Association for the Advancement and Promotion of Science Education (APASE), shared with me in a set of interviews their perspectives on place in ESL education. The discussion of APASE's Community Mapping Project which concludes the thesis is presented as an example of how one association has done this: a place-centred curriculum which incorporates feminist pedagogy, understanding and awareness of place, and the importance of addressing environmental issues.