陳淑雯. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 199-215. / 中英文摘要. / Chen Shuwen. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 研究背´景´ؤؤ政治與課程 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3 --- 研究立足´點´ؤؤ課程社會學的觀點 --- p.5 / Chapter 1.4 --- 研究意義 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 研究理論 --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1 --- 政治與課程 --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2 --- 共產政權的認受性與課程 --- p.19 / Chapter 2.3 --- 殖民政權的認受性與課程 --- p.31 / Chapter 第三章 --- 研究設計 --- p.44 / Chapter 3.1 --- 研究問題 --- p.44 / Chapter 3.2 --- 研究對象 --- p.44 / Chapter 3.3 --- 研究方´法´ؤؤ定性研究法 --- p.48 / Chapter 3.4 --- 分析主題 --- p.51 / Chapter 3.5 --- 研究限制 --- p.53 / Chapter 第四章 --- 中、港課程的意識型´態´ؤؤ歷史觀 --- p.54 / Chapter 4.1 --- 歷史的進´程´ؤؤ線性與循環史觀 --- p.54 / Chapter 4.2 --- 推動歷史發展的原動力 --- p.61 / Chapter 4.3 --- 歷史論述的價値基準 --- p.68 / Chapter 4.4 --- 中、港課程的歷史觀與政權管治的意識型態 --- p.73 / Chapter 第五章 --- 中、港課程的意識型´態´ؤؤ民族與國家感情 --- p.76 / Chapter 5.1 --- 民族感情 --- p.76 / Chapter 5.2 --- 國家感情 --- p.90 / Chapter 5.3 --- 中、港課程的民族、國家感情與政權管治的意識型態 --- p.97 / Chapter 第六章 --- 中、港課程的意識型´態´ؤؤ「優良」的品德 --- p.103 / Chapter 6.1 --- 品德敎育的形式 --- p.103 / Chapter 6.2 --- 品德敎育的内容 --- p.107 / Chapter 6.3 --- 中、港課程的品德敎育與政權管治的意識型態 --- p.117 / Chapter 第七章 --- 中、港課程意識型態控制的機制 --- p.122 / Chapter 7.1 --- 制度層´面´ؤؤ由《課程綱要》編訂到敎科書審定 --- p.123 / Chapter 7.2 --- 人的層面 --- p.135 / Chapter 7.3 --- 小結 --- p.140 / Chapter 第八章 --- 中、港課程的政治社會化特色 --- p.142 / Chapter 8.1 --- 政治與課´程´ؤؤ不同政權的政治社會化的特色 --- p.142 / Chapter 8.2 --- 未完的討論 --- p.148 / Chapter 8.3 --- 對歷史課程改革的啓示 --- p.150 / 附表 --- p.153 / 附錄中文參考書目 --- p.199 / 英文參考書目 --- p.209

Thesis (MPA) --University of Limpopo, 2006 / The study conducted was based on the political and administrative interface in the Department of Education in Limpopo. This provincial Department has experienced challenges that originated from the offices of both the Executive Authority and the Accounting officer. This grey area in the Department had almost paralysed the whole system and it became imperative that it be studied in an attempt to find possible solutions. An extensive scientific body of knowledge from different scholars and their findings contributed to a new direction recommended for consideration. The findings presented have the capacity to hamstring any organisation. The findings reveal, among others, that: the complementary bureaucratic model is threatened by time, and its challenges are enormous; there is little knowledge among politicians and administrators regarding interface matters; administrators do not have a global picture regarding the result of unethical conduct; more research on interface matters needs to be done and results published for the public to be educated while politicians and administrators should be continuously trained; the fluidity of the interface needs continuous focus to avoid plunging the department into an untenable situation.

published_or_final_version / Sociology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Not available / text

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

Teachers and others who are not representative participants in the authorized governance structure often find they must make decisions concerning the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education. These "evaluators-at-the-fringe' of the formal policy-formation structure find themselves being 'gate-keepers' for what will be considered legitimate attempts to influence public education. Having defensible criteria for determining the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education policy is important. Without such criteria, resources will be wasted on the implementation of inappropriate attempts to influence public education. Or, just as important, influences which could be beneficial for the students, or for the society as a whole, may never be seriously considered. In this paper it is argued that criteria for evaluating attempts to influence public education can be derived from the obligation to participate in the promotion of the public good, the right of individuals to self-preservation, the obligations associated with justice as fairness, and the duty to acknowledge the insights of the `marketplace of ideas.' It is argued that there is an underlying tension between the rights of citizens to influence public policy and the rights of children being raised. It is established that the right of citizens to participate in the debate concerning the nature of public education policy follows necessarily from the conditions for a satisfactory democratic social arrangement. The legitimacy of individual attempts to influence public education policy is evaluated using a two part process. The first step in the process is to categorize the attempt to influence according to the kind of interests that appear to be motivating the attempt. The second step is to evaluate critical aspects of the attempt in terms of the criteria. Only attempts which are judged legitimate in terms of these criteria are eligible for any consideration as a possible influence on public education policy. The paper concludes with an application of the framework to several examples of attempts to influence public education policy.

Though the political unrest in African schools has been broadly viewed as arising from the power struggle between the state and the liberation forces, in rural areas the question of violence should also be looked into in the context of the emergence of conflicting views between Inkatha and the African National Congress (ANC). Political contradictions have emerged for various reasons. One of the reasons has been the desire to preserve the traditional political system, the tribal authority system. The liberation forces view the present forms of traditional political structures as parts of apartheid political organs, in that, since the introduction of the Bantu Authority system in the early 1950s and later on the formation of homeland governments in the early 1970s, they have been performing the functions assigned to them by the state. However, despite the reality that traditional political structures are functional to the state, they, at the same time, remain the authentic and legitimate political organs representing the aspirations of a significant fraction of rural communities. What needs to be taken seriously into consideration in analysing the rural political situation is the fact that the apartheid policy was ingeniously designed and predicated upon a tradition which was still held in esteem when it was subordinated by the colonising nations. This tradition was then enshrined in the apartheid programme, or, put differently, apartheid was camouflaged by it. Therefore it is a simplistic view to over emphasise the functional role of the traditional political system. The desire to preserve the present form of political system could be attributed either to the success of the policy of separate development or the fear for the annihilation of traditional structures in the new political dispensation or both. This study looks at the political dynamics and how it has precipitated violent confrontation among the oppressed people. It focuses on how schools in rural areas of KwaZulu have been affected. Principals were asked to express their views on their perceptions of violence. The conclusion drawn from respondents is that pupils are defiant because parents and teachers have been unable to fight for the rights of their children. For example they have been unable to provide them with adequate education. The author ends by recommending that parents and teachers should take up their rightful places in society. That is they should take upon themselves the responsibility of providing adequate education for the children. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of Natal, 1992.

The Natal Education Department's "Native" education system which functioned from 1910 to 1953 has often been termed a good example of "liberal" education for Africans. However an investigation into the administrative structure and curricula content of this education order proved that numerous similarities existed between "Native" education, as formulated by the Natal Education Department, and "Bantu" education as established by the Nationalist government as part of its apartheid program. "Native" education in Natal could be considered a forerunner of "Bantu" education. Both systems were designed to achieve similar aims, eg. to maintain the social divisions, aid in the reproduction of semi-skilled labour and bolster the reserve system and migrant labour system. Course content was geared, in both "Native" and "Bantu" education, to promote a specific way of life for the African - a life that was both rural and agrarian in nature. A continuity of both method and aim existed between the two education orders. In effect, despite the different rhetoric and arguments used by the authorities of these two education systems, both implemented systems aimed at maintaining segregation. Emphasis is placed on exposing the true character of "Native" education as well as developing the argument that "Native" and "Bantu" education should be seen as the continuation of a specific education order rather than two distinct and different systems. This study focuses on Natal's 'Native' education and reveals it as a system designed to promote segregation and protect white interests. It too did not have the true interests of African children at heart. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, 1990.

The purpose of this study was to investigate School Board members' perceptions and expenences of their roles in a secondary school in the Rundu Education Region of Namibia. A case study was conducted within the interpretive paradigm. Six School Board members from the selected school were interviewed. The data were analysed using qualitative data analysis practices. The findings of the study indicate that there are numerous constraints that interfere with the Board members' ability to effectively carry out their role as a school governing body. These constraints include a lack of knowledge and understanding of the Education Act, a lack of skill in conducting basic management and organization processes and a lack of support from the circuit inspector and Regional Education officers. This study provides some understanding of the circumstances of the School Board in trying to execute its role in implementing the Education Act, especially the section dealing with School Boards. As such, this research provides an agenda for the support and improvement of the work of School Boards in Namibian secondary schools.

No description available.