Consuming the U.S. Virgin Islands: Conservation and Education in America’s Paradise examines the relationship between conservation and public education on St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands where there exists no public high school. By interrogating Euroamerican conservation ideologies and policies, this project identifies the ways an expansive, continuous and layered American project of empire fosters the physical and intellectual displacement of the native people of St. John. The U.S. Virgin Islands’ status as an unincorporated territory of the United States provides for a catastrophic convergence of imperialism, environmental racism and consumptive tourism on the 19 square miles of St. John where more than two-thirds of the island belongs to the U.S. National Park Service. Territoriality frames the conflict around public education on St. John by revealing the ways in which federal institutions, such as the Department of Interior (responsible for administering the National Park Service and U.S. territories), exerting disproportionate measures of power operate to meet the demands of white colonial stakeholders rather than those of the local Black island constituency. The “hidden” nature of American colonial possessions as “U.S. territories” coupled with an exploitative Caribbean tourism industry help to permanently fix islands like St. John as remote objects of consumption and desire for primarily white, non-native travelers. This reality produces what I call "the crisis of Paradise." For the U.S. Virgin Islands, patterns of leisure, extraction, and exotification that characterize the Caribbean as a whole destructively entangle with the territory’s moniker “America’s Paradise.” Through the interdisciplinary use of critical Black feminist ethnography, archival records and oral histories, this work explains how native Black people’s mobilization for a public high school for St. John attempts to resist the colonial effort to reduce the land and its people to mere entities of play, respite, and relaxation and, thereby, render them unfit for comprehensive, quality public education. This project enhances understandings of “American” public education and illuminates the ways social and political self-determination have always been at the center of Black people’s struggles in the West. / 2023-11-01T00:00:00Z

The purpose of this study was to provide a descriptive, historical view of the origin and development of a specific coalition of arts education associations in California. The literature pertaining to political action by interest groups revealed effective strategies and lessons learned. Seven (7) commonalities for effective political action by interest groups were identified in order to analyze the politicization of the Legislative Action Coalition for Arts Education (LACAE). In the early 1980s, the increasing financial crisis for California's schools combined with diminishing opportunities for students to receive education in the arts as a part of their basic education. These devastating elements were motivation for the rise in visionary leadership that led to the emergence of LACAE. The maturation of LACAE was described by tracing the history of the organization and three selected issues: a legislative requirement for one year of visual or performing arts for high school graduation; assessment of arts programs included in the California Assessment Program (CAP) tests; and, development of a political action network. Discussion of each issue was presented from data in LACAE files, minutes of meetings and personal interviews. Analysis of the Coalition's politicization using the seven (7) commonalities produced mixed results. The annual conference to develop the Legislative Action Plan yielded goals and objectives that represented a broad base of support among arts associations and provided a vehicle for clear communication. LACAE was less successful, however, in the effort to broaden its base of support beyond arts associations and in establishing an effective communication network for responsive political action.

This study explored censorship in the public schools through the analysis of the changing textbook adoption criteria of the twenty-two adoption states to determine if new, subtle challenges of censorship suggest previously undiscovered effects on the established school curriculum. Adoption criteria (1975-76 and 1985-86) from the twenty-two adoption states were requested. State statutes were also reviewed. A content analysis focusing on the specified criteria needed for text adoption and the amount of public participation in the adoption process was conducted. It was found that few requirements have been added to the textbook adoption criteria since 1975 although some changes have occurred. Nineteen states have some type of specified criteria either in their state statues or state board of education policies. Sixteen states include some aspect of public participation in their textbook adoption process. Conclusions are: (1) The term "state adoption state" is ambiguous and the states comprising that group are not well-defined; (2) There is little consistency in the expectations for texts and the degree of public involvement in these states' adoption process; (3) Additional specified criteria appear to be being added as state board of education policy rather than state statutes; and (4) More public participation is occurring in 1985 than did in 1975 and is happening in a variety of ways. Recommendations include: (1) "State adoption state" should be precisely defined in future study and a poll of all states taken to actually determine which states should be so labeled; (2) States with specified criteria for text adoption should review them for nebulous guidelines and provide standards for evaluation. States without criteria should review their adoption process to assess what is happening in practice; (3) Where oral testimony is accepted as part of the adoption process, written testimony should be included; (4) Textbook reviewers should receive training about state expectations before review process; (5) A pro-active stance on making the public aware of the textbook adoption process could occur if the adoption states form a public awareness coalition. Censorship awareness programs could be provided by the state for local districts; (6) Study of the textbook adoption process should continue with regards to censorship.

There is an ongoing debate regarding how to situate Nietzsche’s philosophy of education, both in terms of his own stance on the viability of education in modernity and with regard to the value of his work for contemporary discussions about education and education theory. I analyze and address Nietzsche’s discussion of philosophy, art, and religion in order to find a novel way into this debate. By situating his philosophy of education in the broader context of the German Bildung tradition, I am able to pull from his more general philosophical discussions to highlight important features of his educational theory. I give special attention to contemporary conversations regarding whether his work is egalitarian or elitist. I establish a methodological defense of utilizing Nietzsche’s work on culture as a basis for understanding his sparser and often confusing discussions surrounding education. Drawing on Nietzsche’s broader philosophy of culture offers a toolset that allows for greater clarity and ingenuity in responding to previously entrenched debates. I argue that Nietzsche sees cultural phenomena and institutions as serving an educational role in the life of a population. The central feature of cultural institutions – including, but not limited to institutions of learning – is to elevate the general population into an educated, critical, and creative community. Drawing on the wider German philosophical tradition of Bildung, I show that Nietzsche’s philosophical commitments suggest an inclusive and community-oriented reading of his philosophy of education. / Philosophy

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