Cette thèse se donne pour objet l’étude du fonctionnement de ce que l’on appelle « langue de bois » dans le discours politique contemporain au Royaume-Uni. Cet hyperonyme désigne un ensemble de stratégies déployées en langue, selon des modes divers, à des fins manipulatoires. Ce travail distingue ainsi, au sein de ce discours « codé », des procédés linguistiques qui relèvent de ce que nous appelons parler politique contemporain qui, insidieusement, diffuse une idéologie dominante. Bien qu’aucun procédé, linguistique ou rhétorique, ne soit intrinsèquement manipulatoire, ce parler remplit différentes fonctions selon le contexte (linguistique, générique, situationnel). L’exploration d’un corpus de general election manifestos comparé à un corpus d’éditoriaux britanniques vise à mettre au jour le fonctionnement sémiolinguistique de ce parler, manifestation d’une activité de construction de valeurs idéologiques et/ou de manipulation langagière. Notre étude linguistique s’appuie sur la Théorie des Opérations Prédicatives et Énonciatives d’A. Culioli, complétée par le recours à d’autres théories (Analyse du/des Discours et sémiotique). Les phénomènes linguistiques sont contextualisés au moyen d’autres disciplines (sociologie et sciences politiques). Partant du principe que le sens idéologique et les valeurs destinées à être reconnues, reconstruites et interprétées, sont construits dans et par l’énonciation, nous montrons, au moyen de l’analyse de marqueurs (WILL, SHALL, WOULD, les pronoms personnels YOU, WE, I) et de notions (/change/ et /be green/), que la co-énonciation est une clé essentielle pour la compréhension des stratégies manipulatoires mises en œuvre au sein de ce parler. Les opérations fondamentales de « représentation », « référenciation », « régulation » (Culioli) et les stratégies de naturalisation et/ou d’oubli (Barthes/Pécheux) déployées au sein des textes se présentent sous différentes formes, parmi lesquelles on peut citer l’ajustement anticipatif paratextuel, et le brouillage des frontières entre différents niveaux de spécification du paramètre S de la situation d’énonciation ou entre les différentes valeurs construites par les auxiliaires de modalité/les notions. / The purpose of this thesis is to study the workings of what is usually called “langue de bois” in French (Newspeak or Doublespeak) in the field of politics in the United Kingdom. The collocation refers to a set of strategies implemented within political discourse, according to various modes, for manipulative purposes. We propose to differentiate between Newspeak-like strategies and linguistic processes belonging to the realm of contemporary political speech (CPS) which circulates a dominant ideology insidiously. Although no process, be it linguistic or rhetorical, is inherently manipulative, CPS fulfils various functions depending on the context (linguistic, generic, situational). The study of a corpus of general election manifestos compared to a corpus of editorials aims at uncovering the semiolinguistic workings of CPS, the expression of how ideological values and/or linguistic manipulation are constructed. Our linguistic study is conducted through the lens of the Theory of Predicative and Enunciative Operations (A. Culioli), supported by comparisons with other linguistic theories (Discourse Analysis and semiotics). The linguistic phenomena are contextualized by means of other disciplines (sociology and political sciences). Considering the fact that ideological meaning and values designed to be recognized, reconstructed and interpreted, are constructed through and by uttering, we show, through the analysis of markers (WILL, SHALL, WOULD, and the pronouns YOU, WE, I) and of notions (/change/ and /be green/), that co-enunciation is essential to the understanding of manipulative strategies that are implemented within CPS. The fundamental operations of “representation”, “referencing”, “regulation” (Culioli) and naturalisation/forgetting processes (Barthes/Pécheux) that are implemented within the texts arise in various forms. Among these forms, markers of anticipatory paratextual adjustment, and the scrambling of boundaries between the levels of specification of the subjective parameter of the situation of uttering or between the various values constructed by modal auxiliaries/notions can be mentioned.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2016-07-25T14:50:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 4262288 bytes, checksum: 004f2ab09f17b098bf4a65c9f1032fc9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-25T14:50:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 4262288 bytes, checksum: 004f2ab09f17b098bf4a65c9f1032fc9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-16 / This study has as its central object of inquiry the construction of meaningfulness in Dilma Rousseff e José Serra’s electoral discourse from the 2010 political campaign for the nation presidency. Starting with the principles that mind determines the way of understanding reality providing imaginative thinking and that the meaningfulness has consequences for the experience we have proposed to investigate how electoral discourse conceptualization is oriented to the achievement of their persuasion goals and how it can influence an electoral campaign outcome. To elucidate our assumptions we have used data from the televised electoral publicity of each candidate conveyed by internet and recorded in cds for interpretative analysis. This development has been endorsed by the Cognitive Linguistics theoretical principles mainly those from Experiencialism taking in account the sociocognitive aspects of used language, the embodiment and imagination notions as well as by Turner and Fauconnier’s theory on mental spaces in discourse commonly accepted as a tool for analysis of discourse interpretations or as a cognition and conceptualization theory. According to the results the ability for conceptual integrations turns language into an advanced human activity, that is, a manifestation of the hidden cognitive construction highly abstract and imaginative; the underlying mental processes are the basis for the political-electoral discourse building the political discourse meaningfulness due to the persuasion therefore due to their consequences for the experience. / Este estudo se concentra na investigação dos processos de construção da significatividade do discurso político-eleitoral dos candidatos Dilma Rousseff e José Serra, concorrentes ao segundo turno da campanha de 2010 para a presidência da República. Partindo dos princípios de que a mente determina a maneira de compreensão da realidade, facultando o raciocínio imaginativo, e que a significatividade tem consequências para a experiência, procuramos demonstrar que a conceptualização do discurso político-eleitoral pode ser direcionada para o alcance dos seus objetivos de persuasão e influenciar o resultado de uma campanha. Utilizamos dados da propaganda eleitoral televisiva de cada candidato, veiculados pela internet e gravados em cds, levando em conta os gêneros estabelecidos metodologicamente para a análise interpretativa dos discursos observados. Procuramos fundamentar esta análise nos pressupostos teóricos da Linguística cognitiva, principalmente do Experiencialismo, levando em conta os aspectos sociocognitivos da linguagem, nos estudos da corporificação, do compartilhamento e da imaginação mental, como também, na teoria da integração conceitual dos espaços mentais, atinente à demonstração analítica dos dados. Os resultados demonstram que a habilidade para a integração conceitual faz da linguagem uma atividade humana avançada, ou seja, uma manifestação das construções cognitivas ocultas, altamente abstratas e imaginativas; que os processos mentais subjacentes são responsáveis pelo poder do discurso político-eleitoral, construindo a significatividade em função da persuasão, portanto, em função de suas consequências para a experiência.

Cette thèse se donne pour objectif de questionner l’idée de la non existence d’« Europe politique ». Les programmes électoraux sont mis au centre de cette recherche. Ils permettent l’analyse du politique à la fois dans sa dimension cognitive et pragmatique. La première dimension est examinée à travers les mythes que ces discours construisent. La deuxième est examinée à partir des configurations de la production des programmes. L’analyse du rapport dialogique de ces deux dimensions permet de démystifier le politique européen. Les constats sont issus d’une enquête comparative des programmes des élections européennes de 2009, prenant en compte des partis et des contextes nationaux différents. Si ces programmes présentent des proximités importantes qui renforcent l’idée d’une « technocratisation du politique », les programmes construisent également des mythes diversifiés selon leur appartenance partisane et selon leur origine culturelle. Ils construisent des situations de « mésentente », condition fondamentale pour le politique. L’Europe politique existe ! Cette thèse va au-delà de cette affirmation afin de discuter les modalités de l’existence et de la production de ce politique. Elle montre que les mythes produits s’articulent avec le mode d’action des parlementaires au sein de l’UE, l’origine des participants dans les processus de production des programmes. Les résultats mettent en avant aussi que les mythes produits au niveau européen ne circulent pas de la même manière dans tous les États-membres : ils dépendent des enjeux locaux et sont inscrits dans des rapports symboliques qui cadrent les relations entre les « grands » et les « petits » de l’Europe. / The aim of this thesis is to question the idea of a "political Europe". The electoral platforms are placed at the centre of this research. They enable the analysis of “the political” in its double dimension: cognitive and pragmatic. The first dimension is examined through the myths that these discourses construct, the second through the configuration of the production of the platforms. The analysis of the dialogic relation between these two dimensions contributes to demystifying the myths of Europe. The findings are drawn from a comparative study of the programs of the elections of 2009, taking into account different parties and national contexts. These electoral programs contain important similarities which reinforce the idea of a “technocratisation of politics”. But the programs also produce various and contradictory myths, according to party affiliation and to cultural origins. They produce situations of “dissensus”, a fundamental condition for the political. The conclusion is that political Europe does exist. However, this thesis goes beyond this statement and opens the discussion on the modalities of existence, production and recontextualisation of this political. It shows that the constructed myths can be articulated as part of the activities within the European Parliament, the origin of participants in the process of production of electoral programs. The results also highlight that the myths constructed at the European Union level do not circulate and are not re-contextualised in the same way in all member-states: they depend on and are mediated via local issues and are embedded in the symbolic relations between the grands and the petits of Europe.