Post-war countries are among the most difficult policy arenas for international and domestic actors. The challenge is not only to stop violence and prevent violence from rekindling, but moreover to help countries reset their internal relations on a peaceful path. The indirect, long-term effects of wars further exaggerate this challenge. Many of these relate to political and social aspects of post-war countries. Lasting impressions of human rights abuses committed during wars continue to shape the relations among members of societies for decades to come. Both, socio-economic impacts and political impacts challenge the stability of post-war countries for many years. The challenges to public health have been found to be especially severe and affect disproportionately the civilian population of post-war countries. Environmental and climate change exposes post-war populations further to new risks, exaggerating the human costs of war long after active combat has ceased. These challenges are not new. The problem, however, is that in practice all these elements are simultaneously happening in today’s peacebuilding interventions. Yet, practitioners as well as researchers remain settled in a silo mentality, focusing only on one aspect at a time. As such they are unaware of the unintended consequences that their focus has on other important processes. The four essays that lie at the heart of this dissertation provide new insight into the linkages between the social, political and ecological processes in post-war societies and how the interactions of different groups of actors are shaping the prospects for peace. The argument drawn out in this dissertation is that to build peace we need to acknowledge and understand this long-term interplay of social, political, and ecological processes in post-war countries. It will be crucial to understand the potential and dynamics of natural resources and environmental issues in this context. As the essays in this dissertation show, the interactions of these processes divisively shape the post-war landscape. It is therefore essential to build a peace that is ecologically sensitive, while equally socially and politically relevant and desirable. I call this sustainable peace.

Made available in DSpace on 2012-09-05T18:24:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) 208.pdf: 1988852 bytes, checksum: d19001b42b69eebba40d232c7cc14474 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública Sergio Arouca. Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil. / Neste trabalho, nos dedicamos a investigar a relação entre a instituição militar brasileira e a questão ambiental no Brasil, mediante pesquisa exploratória e avaliativa, onde optamos por metodologias qualitativas variadas para a verificação e ampliação do entendimento do pensamento militar. Usamos a triangulação metodológica compondo a partir das técnicas do estudo de caso, entrevista exploratória e análise de conteúdo dos documentos coletados. Analisamos os currículos da Academia Militar das Agulhas Negras, do Centro de Instrução de Guerra na Selva à busca de evidências ambientais. Escolhemos o Clube Militar e a Escola Superior de Guerra para apreender o pensamento militar sobre as questões ambientais, com ênfase do olhar para a Amazônia. No Clube Militar, foram analisados 62 artigos existentes na Revista do Clube Militar no período de 1980-2000 em que vários articulistas generais, coronéis, sócios e convidados escreveram sobre o tema Amazônia, com a finalidade de: (1) ampliar a compreensão sobre o pensamento militar como um todo; (2) identificar a que tendência ambiental se associaria cada artigo (antropocêntrica ou ecocêntrica) e (3) ver como se comportaria a tese majoritária, observada preliminarmente dentre o segmento militar, de que há ameaças deliberadas de internacionalização da Amazônia. Posteriormente, procurando fazer uma análise temática, selecionamos mais de 40 monografias e publicações da Escola Superior de Guerra. Mantivemos o corte temporal de 1980-2000, que coincide com os primórdios das discussões ambientais no Brasil e procuramos dialogar com a literatura o emitido pela fonte. Em geral, grande parte da coletividade militar expressa a idéia de um meio ambiente exclusivamente brasileiro, revelando incompleta formação de seus quadros quanto à problemática ambiental e uma postura de afirmação da soberania nacional nos moldes da doutrina de segurança nacional aplicada aos tratos ambientais, que é materializada pela crença hegemônica na ameaça da internacionalização da Amazônia. Em face dos valores e de sua cultura organizacional, as manifestações do segmento militar em prol de ações ecológicas estão orientadas por uma racionalidade distinta daquela na qual se apóia o pensamento ambiental. A cultura organizacional militar tende a influir negativamente no desempenho militar em relação ao meio ambiente. As conseqüências disso são o cumprimento de missões que tendem a iv menosprezar os delicados meandros da prática de conservação e de preservação ambientais. A mínima inclusão de assuntos ambientais em currículos de escolas militares e a falta de prática em assuntos ambientais trazem dificuldades para que militares conheçam, interpretem e decidam acertadamente sobre aspectos ambientais dos seus papéis e lides profissionais. Ainda assim, organizações militares podem apresentar contribuições aos interesses ambientais, mesmo que por motivações e pressupostos distintos, em razão de que as táticas militares empregadas na área de floresta úmida incentivam um cuidado com a liberação de resíduos e um bom relacionamento com a população regional. Alguns casos de adestramento de militares, como o do Centro de Instrução de Guerra na Selva, oferecem contribuições originais à educação ambiental. Isso se faz importante para a interlocução com outras entidades científicas e organizações sociais que já desenvolvem trabalhos na temática ambiental e que provavelmente interagirão em qualquer projeto de monitoramento e de manejo em que militares venham a participar. O pensamento militar brasileiro tende a articular-se dentro do conceito de “segurança ambiental” e de afastar-se do da “segurança ecológica”. Isso poderá afetar as complexas relações ecossistêmicas e sociais e comprometer com ações antrópicas e profissionais a biodiversidade no Brasil. Além de provocarem significativos impactos ambientais nos tempos de guerra, as atividades militares nos períodos sem guerra também são ambientalmente degradantes. Se os militares não estão lutando nas guerras, estão qualificando-se e adestrando-se para a próxima guerra. Teremos, ao aceitar a força armada, um estado de continuidade dos conflitos de baixa intensidade com impactos ambientais cumulativos, que incluem o uso e a degradação da terra, a poluição e o uso do espaço aéreo e marítimo, o uso da energia e recursos materiais e a geração de resíduos tóxicos. Como vimos, os militares, em suas atividades específicas, algumas vezes podem trazer vantagens para a conservação e restauração ambientais. Algumas porções de terra sob jurisdição militar são mais bem cuidadas pela contenção do cinturão de isolamento como área militar do que pela devolução ao poder público quando não sensibilizado com as questões ambientais em seus procedimentos diários. v No caso do Brasil, a ocupação do território possui marcas da presença do exército por toda a parte e em algumas localidades é o “quartel” o maior provedor de oportunidades diretas e indiretas, até hoje. Como não estamos em guerra, os efeitos nocivos observados pela longa permanência de unidades americanas no exterior, usando terras de outros países não se aplicaria ao Brasil e da mesma forma o impacto social recorrente a isso. Recomendando que as instituições militares tenham cuidado com seus próprios impactos ambientais, existem outros nichos de atuação para os militares. Os militares podem ajudar no reforço de atividades ambientais padronizadas, podem colaborar com suas agências de inteligência no monitoramento e na coleta de informações sobre degradação ambiental e podem ajudar em papéis não violentos de conservação e restauração. Sabemos que o problema de utilizar os militares nessa atividade é que isso possibilita que eles venham a “colonizar” sob o propósito de cooperação. Por outro lado, é potencialmente benigna a idéia de envolver militares e as suas agências de inteligência para monitorar e processar problemas ambientais. Uma melhor formulação (e isso já de forma inicial acontece no Brasil através do SIVAM/SIPAM) é a de uma condição de responsabilidade coletiva e partilhada pela capacidade técnica e instalada da instituição militar em atuar com múltiplos propósitos na coordenação e na vigilância, monitorando sistemas complexos de natureza ambiental. Como trabalhos desta forma poderiam integrar civis e militares (com comunicação, transporte, infra-estrutura viária e aérea) na comunidade local, pensa-se que os sinais de danos ambientais seriam mais eficazmente identificados e abordados. Propõe-se o envolvimento militar nas questões ambientais como estratégia, encorajando e sensibilizando os militares a participarem desta nova proposta, assim conduzida de forma moral e praticamente aceitável, o que significaria não somente dar um passo na direção da proteção e restauração ambiental, mas também de outro para a segurança ecológica e para a modificação estrutural dessas instituições totais modeladas na visão hegemônica da segurança nacional. / In this work, we dedicate to investigate which is the relation between the Brazilian military institution and the environmental question in Brazil, by means of exploratory and evaluative research, where qualitative methodologies varied for the verification and magnifying of the agreement of the military thought. We use the methodologic triangulation composing from the techniques of the case study, the exploratory interview and analysis of content of collected documents. We analyze the resumes of the Military Academy of the Black Needles (AMAN), the Center of Instruction of War in the forest (CIGS) to search for environmental evidences. We choose the Military Club (Clube Militar) and the Superior School of War to apprehend the military thought on environmental questions, with emphasis of Amazonia. In the Military Club, 62 existing articles in the Magazine of the Military Club in the period of 1980-2000 had been analyzed where some general contributors, colonels, partners and guests had written on the subject Amazonia, with the purpose of: (1) to extend the understanding on the military thought as a whole; (2) to identify the one that ambient trend if would associate each article (anthropocentric or ecocentric) and (3) to see as if it would hold the majoritarian thesis, observed preliminarily amongst the military segment, of that it has deliberate threats of internationalization of the Amazonia. Later, looking for to make a thematic analysis, we more than select 40 monographs and publications of the Superior School of War. We kept the secular cut of 1980-2000, that it coincides with the beginnings of the environmental quarrels in Brazil and we look for to dialogue with literature the emitted one for the source. In general, great part of the military collectivity express the idea of an exclusively Brazilian environment, disclosing incomplete formation about the environmental problems and a position of affirmation of the national sovereignty in the shape of the national security doctrine applied to the environmental treatments, that are materialized by the hegemonic belief in the threat of the internationalization of the Amazonia. In face of the values and its organizational culture, the manifestations of the military segment in favor of ecological actions are guided by a very distinct rationality of the environmental thought. The organizacional culture to militate tends to influence negative in the military performance in relation to the environment. The consequences vii are the fulfilment of missions which disturb the delicated faces of environmental conservation and preservation. The minimum inclusion of environment subjects in military schools brings difficulties so that military knows, interprets and decides correctly on environment aspects of its papers and professionals deals. Still thus, military organizations can present contributions to the environment interests, even thou for distinct motivations, in reason of that the used military tactics in the area of humid forest stimulate a care with the release of residues and a good relationship with the regional population. Some cases of military training offer original contributions to environmental education. This makes importance for the interlocution with other scientific entities and social organizations that already develop works in thematic the environment and probably they will interact in any project of surveillance and handling where military come to participate. Also, the Brazilian military thought tends to articulate itself inside of the concept of environmental security and to move away itself from the ecological security. This will be able to affect the complex ecossistemics network and social relations which can compromise, with its professional actions, the biodiversity in Brazil. Besides provoking significant environmental impacts in the war times, the military activities in the periods without war also are environmentally degradatives. If the military are not fighting in the wars, he is training itself for the next war. We will have, when accepting the seted force, a state of continuity of the conflicts of low intensity with cumulative environmental impacts, that include the use and the degradation of the land, the pollution and the use of the airspace and maritime, the use of the energy and material resources and the generation of toxical material. How we saw, the military, in its specific activities, sometimes can bring advantages for the environmental conservation and restoration. Some portions of land under military jurisdiction are most well-taken care of the containment of the military area than devolution to the public power when not sensetized with the environmental questions in its daily procedures. In the case of Brazil, the occupation of the territory possesss marks of the presence of the army for all the part and in some localities the biggest supplier of direct and indirect chances is the "barracks", until today. As we are not in war, the harmful effect observed by the long permanence of American units in the exterior, using lands of other viii countries the recurrent social impact to this would not be applied to Brazil and in the same way. Recommending that the military institutions have care with its proper environmental impacts, other niches of performance for the military exist. The military can help in the reinforcement of standardized environmental activities, they can collaborate with its agencies of intelligence in the surveillance and the collection of information on environmental degradation and can help in not violent papers of conservation and restoration. We know that the problem to use the military in this activity is that this makes possible that they come "to colonize" under the cooperation intention. On the other hand, she is potentially benign the idea to involve military and its agencies of intelligence to monitor and to process environmental problems. One better formularization (and this already of initial form it happens in Brazil through the SIVAM/SIPAM) is a condition of responsibility collective share by the capacity technique and installed of the military institution in acting with multiple intentions in the coordination and the monitoring, monitoring complex systems of environmental nature. As works of this form they could integrate civilians and military (with communication, transport, road and aerial infrastructure) in the local community, think that the signals of environmental damages more efficiently would be identified and boarded. The military envolvement in the environmental questions is considered as strategy, encouraging and sensetizing the military to participate of this new proposal, thus lead of moral and practically acceptable form, what it would not only mean to give to a step in the direction of the protection and environmental restoration, but also of another one for the ecological security and the structural modification of these shaped total institutions in the hegemonic vision of the national security.

This thesis examines the concept of environmental security in regards to its historical development and current classification in the security studies discourse. It analyzes its relationship to the concept of energy security and explains some other relevant concepts used in this study. It then carefully chooses four determinants of environmental security which are most relevant for assessing the energy mix of the Czech Republic. The evaluation of the current energy mix is then compared to the state and composition of the country's energy mix in 2040 as outlined in the New State Energy Concept (NSEC) of 2013. Reflecting on the changes of the energy mix presented in NSEC reveals the actual impact of the future version of the energy mix on the environmental security in the Czech Republic. The thesis further identifies other important factors to consider when making strategic decisions about the composition of the energy mix and energy policy in general. To conclude, a reflection on the implications of this study both on the concept of environmental security and the Czech energy decision-making is offered.

As mudanças climáticas figuram entre as principais questões da sociedade de risco característica do mundo atual. Elas são multidimensionais e exigem uma análise multiescalar. Inevitavelmente, as decisões são deslocadas para além do nível nacional, na medida em que os problemas socioambientais transcendem as fronteiras estatais. O tema foi incorporado à agenda ambiental internacional nas últimas décadas e atualmente conforma uma ordem ambiental complexa do ponto de vista normativo/institucional. Participam dela quase todos os países que, em conjunto, visam responder ao desafio relativo ao tema, tanto no tocante à mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, como à adaptação aos efeitos que são e serão sentidos por grande parte da população mundial. Porém, ao mesmo tempo em que se reconhece a importância da cooperação multilateral em favor de uma governança eficaz na abordagem do tema, verifica-se que os Estados têm posicionamentos distintos e desenvolvem diversas estratégicas para fazer com que seus interesses nacionais específicos sejam contemplados a cada rodada do processo negociador, o que corrobora com as teorias realistas das Relações Internacionais e de território e soberania da Geografia Política. Neste trabalho analisa-se a participação do Brasil em seis Conferências das Partes da Convenção-Quadro das Nações Unidas sobre Mudança do Clima (UNFCCC), realizadas no período de 2009 a 2014. Avaliam-se quais foram os interesses brasileiros em cada uma destas etapas, o grau de influência exercido sobre os demais países que integram a ordem, bem como em que medida as expectativas do governo brasileiro foram contempladas nas decisões finais destas rodadas de negociações. A metodologia pautou-se em análise de livros, artigos e relatórios sobre a ciência da mudança do clima; de teorias da Geografia Política e das Relações Internacionais; de documentos oficiais sobre eventos que precederam as conferências analisadas no trabalho; das propostas submetidas pelo governo brasileiro e discursos proferidos por seus representantes; de informações obtidas junto à delegação brasileira; de relatórios diários e decisões oficiais de cada rodada de negociações; da participação in loco nos três últimos encontros avaliados nos quais foi possível acompanhar a atuação da delegação brasileira e avaliar suas consequências; bem como de material bibliográfico e jornalístico relacionados a este período do processo negociador. Verificou-se que o Brasil mostra-se cada vez mais disposto à cooperação e tem se destacado por sua habilidade diplomática e ações desenvolvidas em seu território, em especial no combate ao desmatamento da Amazônia. Porém, apresenta premissas básicas não passíveis de flexibilização até o presente momento, como a diferenciação entre países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento conforme estabelecido pela UNFCCC. A questão que se coloca não é se o país irá ampliar sua ambição em termos de mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, mas como as medidas desenvolvidas em seu território serão traduzidas em compromissos internacionalmente vinculantes no novo acordo a ser definido ao final de 2015. Entende-se que o posicionamento do Brasil será fundamental para a conformação da nova fase da ordem ambiental internacional sobre mudanças climáticas, diante de seu perfil de emissões e poder político, econômico e ambiental. / Climate change is among the key issues of the risk society characteristic of today\'s world. They are multidimensional and require multiscale analysis. Inevitably, decisions are displaced beyond the national level to the extent that environmental issues transcend state borders. The theme was incorporated into the international environmental agenda in recent decades and now conform a complex environmental order of the legal/institutional point of view. Participate in it almost all countries that, together, aim to meet the challenge concerning the issue, both with respect to mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions and adaptation to the effects that are and will be felt by much of the world\'s population. However, while recognizing the importance of multilateral cooperation in favor of effective governance in the approach to the subject, it appears that States have different positions and develop various strategies to make their specific national interests are incorporated every round of the negotiating process, which corroborates the realistic theories of International Relations and territory and sovereignty of Political Geography. This paper analyzes the participation of Brazil in six Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in the 2009-2014 period. This study evaluates which were the Brazilian interests in each of these steps, the degree of influence exercised over other countries of the order as well as to what extent the expectations of the Brazilian government were, in fact, included in the final decisions of these rounds negotiations. The methodology was based on the analysis of books, articles and reports on the science of climate change; theories of Political Geography and International Relations; of official documents about events that preceded the conference analyzed at work; of the proposals submitted by the Brazilian government and speeches by their representatives; information obtained from the Brazilian delegation; daily reports and official decisions of each round of negotiations; participation in loco in the last three meetings at which it was possible to track the performance of the Brazilian delegation and assess its consequences; as well as bibliographic and journalistic material related to this period of the negotiating process. It was found that Brazil appears to be increasingly willing to cooperation and has become known for his diplomatic skill and actions carried out in its territory, particularly in combating deforestation of the Amazon. However, it presents basic premises not subject to easing so far as the differentiation between developed and developing countries, as established by the UNFCCC. The question that arises is not if the country will increase its ambition in terms of mitigating emissions of greenhouse gases, but how the measures developed in its territory will be translated into internationally binding commitments in the new agreement to set the end of 2015. It is understood that Brazil\'s position will be critical to the shaping of the new phase of international environmental policy on climate change, because of the emissions profile and political, economic and environmental power.

Most studies in environmental politics have traditionally examined three broad areas: the degradation of the environment; the regulatory regimes governing the environment; or environmental activism within the affluent North. This thesis provides an alternative perspective, exploring environmental activism in the less affluent South. In particular, while human rights and social justice perspectives have historically been largely absent from many environmental movements of the North, this thesis argues that, due to precarious living conditions and authoritarian governance, these issues are of primary importance for environmentalists in the South. As a result this thesis contends that most environmental movements in the South are part of a growing global justice movement and that important cultural diversities within this movement can result in novel forms of resistance and environmental governance. The focus here is on the emancipatory actors within these movements in the South who challenge existing power structures within society. Likewise, by adopting a critical perspective, this thesis argues that large business interests pursue energy projects in the South in the name of energy security and large scale industrial development that are often inappropriate for local development and security needs. To test these hypotheses, four case studies were undertaken that examine transnational gas pipeline and large dam projects at various stages of their development which originate in either Burma (Myanmar) or Thailand. Empirical research, primarily in the form of interviews, undertaken in the countries hosting the various energy projects demonstrated that although environmental activists in the South were assisted by transnational activist networks there were also important local factors that impacted on the emancipatory philosophies, strategies and tactics of many activists in this region. These strategies have achieved some success, with environmental impact assessment (EIA) processes in Thailand now providing a potential opening for the political engagement of communities. Nevertheless, this thesis finds that the power of corporate interests in the international political economy often poses insurmountable barriers for activists to achieve both their short and long term aims. The findings suggest that despite the efforts of activists, local indigenous and ethnic minority communities continue to bear the brunt of the social and environmental costs of transnational energy projects in the South while receiving few of the benefits. Rather than safeguarding these communities from deprivation, these projects often exacerbate existing social tensions and conflicts, resulting in increased community insecurity. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1474397 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2009

Most studies in environmental politics have traditionally examined three broad areas: the degradation of the environment; the regulatory regimes governing the environment; or environmental activism within the affluent North. This thesis provides an alternative perspective, exploring environmental activism in the less affluent South. In particular, while human rights and social justice perspectives have historically been largely absent from many environmental movements of the North, this thesis argues that, due to precarious living conditions and authoritarian governance, these issues are of primary importance for environmentalists in the South. As a result this thesis contends that most environmental movements in the South are part of a growing global justice movement and that important cultural diversities within this movement can result in novel forms of resistance and environmental governance. The focus here is on the emancipatory actors within these movements in the South who challenge existing power structures within society. Likewise, by adopting a critical perspective, this thesis argues that large business interests pursue energy projects in the South in the name of energy security and large scale industrial development that are often inappropriate for local development and security needs. To test these hypotheses, four case studies were undertaken that examine transnational gas pipeline and large dam projects at various stages of their development which originate in either Burma (Myanmar) or Thailand. Empirical research, primarily in the form of interviews, undertaken in the countries hosting the various energy projects demonstrated that although environmental activists in the South were assisted by transnational activist networks there were also important local factors that impacted on the emancipatory philosophies, strategies and tactics of many activists in this region. These strategies have achieved some success, with environmental impact assessment (EIA) processes in Thailand now providing a potential opening for the political engagement of communities. Nevertheless, this thesis finds that the power of corporate interests in the international political economy often poses insurmountable barriers for activists to achieve both their short and long term aims. The findings suggest that despite the efforts of activists, local indigenous and ethnic minority communities continue to bear the brunt of the social and environmental costs of transnational energy projects in the South while receiving few of the benefits. Rather than safeguarding these communities from deprivation, these projects often exacerbate existing social tensions and conflicts, resulting in increased community insecurity. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1474397 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2009

Le rapprochement entre dégradation environnementale et défis de sécurité s’est effectué très progressivement, même si de nombreuses divergences subsistent, en particulier sur les causes et enjeux sous-jacents de ce rapprochement. Les effets de plus en plus notables du changement climatique dans nos sociétés ont, pourtant, indirectement permis à ces questions d’opérer une percée dans l’agenda politique international. L’Union européenne, elle-même née d’un exercice réussi de prévention des conflits et leader de la protection internationale de l’environnement est-elle en mesure de contribuer à cet objectif ? Au-delà de l’urgence écologique, la sécurité environnementale porte en son sein des éléments qui pourraient en faire l’un des moteurs de la politique étrangère de l’Union européenne en contribuant à une meilleure appréhension des causes profondes et multiples des conflits, pouvant à la fois soutenir la stabilité internationale et renforcer le rôle de l’UE en tant qu’acteur global. / The link between environmental problems and risks to security is progressively gaining ground, even though diverging opinions still prevail as to the exact nature and challenges of this interaction. The increasingly visible impacts of climate change have indirectly strengthened the prominence of this issue on the international agenda. Can the European Union, born itself from a successful approach to conflict prevention and international leader for environmental protection contribute to this aim ? Beyond the immediate urgency of environmental problems, environmental security carries several elements which could turn it into a driving force for the European Union's foreign policy by an improved understanding of the actual roots and multifaceted nature of numerous conflicts. This would allow the EU to support global stability and to strengthen its role on the international scene.

Submitted by (edna.saturno@ufrpe.br) on 2016-05-31T14:18:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Ferreira de Lima.pdf: 3099288 bytes, checksum: 938917c0a1215a5bf98ca2fde04e65c2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-31T14:18:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Ferreira de Lima.pdf: 3099288 bytes, checksum: 938917c0a1215a5bf98ca2fde04e65c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-15 / The cultivation of sugarcane plays an important role in Brazilian agribusiness and at the same time, displays great social and economic importance to the state of Pernambuco, with a harvest of 19,530,950 tonnes of the product in 2007/2008. In spite of the technological advancements made in several stages of its productive process, this activity is frequently associated with environmental contamination, due to the prior burning of the straw for manual and/or mechanized cutting. The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the sugarcane harvesting process practiced in Pernambuco’s Zona da Mata Norte and identify the difficulties for the adoption of the practice of raw sugarcane cutting. The research is founded on recent works about the need for practices of sustainable management of the land with the subsequent preservation of its fertility and its biological balance, of fundamental importance not only for this region – where soil and climatic conditions are less favourable – but also to meet the principles of sustainable management, conomically profitable, ecologically correct and socially just. To reach the objectives proposed, the research methodology adopted was of interviews with the representatives of the different segments involved in the process: producers, cane cutters and spokesmen of environmental organs, as well as, through comparative analysis between production costs in the modalities burnt cane and raw cane in a five year period. After analysis of the compiled data, a conclusion was reached about the advantages in the adoption of raw sugarcane harvesting and suggesting the expansion of the sample through new research which offers data for private investors and public administrators, aiming for the adoption of an attitude which reconciles increased productivity, socio-environmental security and respect for citizenship. / A cultura da cana-de-açúcar desempenha um papel relevante no agronegócio brasileiro e,paralelamente, revela grande importância econômica e social no Estado de Pernambuco, que colheu na safra 2007/2008 19.530.950 toneladas desse produto. Apesar dos avanços tecnológicos alcançados em diversas etapas de seu processo produtivo, essa atividade é freqüentemente associada à contaminação ambiental, devido à queima prévia da palha para posterior corte manual e/ou mecanizado. O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar o processo de colheita da cana-de-açúcar praticado na Zona da Mata de Pernambuco e identificar as dificuldades para a adoção da prática do corte da cana crua. A pesquisa está fundamentada em trabalhos recentes sobre a necessidade de práticas de manejo sustentável do solo com a conseqüente preservação de sua fertilidade natural e de seu equilíbrio biológico, de fundamental importância não só para esta região - onde as condições edafoclimáticas para o cultivo da lavoura são menos favoráveis – como também para atender aos princípios da sustentabilidade: economicamente rentável, ecologicamente correta e socialmente justa. Para alcançar os objetivos propostos, a metodologia de pesquisa adotada foi a de entrevistas aos representantes dos diferentes segmentos envolvidos no processo: produtores, cortadores de cana e porta-vozes dos órgãos ambientais, como também, por meio de análise comparativa entre os custos de produção nas modalidades cana queimada e cana crua, no período de cinco anos. Após análise dos dados compilados, conclui-se sobre as vantagens da adoção da colheita da cana crua e sugere-se a ampliação da amostragem através de novas pesquisas que ofereçam subsídios às decisões tanto de investidores particulares como de gestores públicos, visando à adoção de uma atitude investidora que concilie ganhos de produtividade, segurança sócio-ambiental e respeito à cidadania.

As mudanças climáticas figuram entre as principais questões da sociedade de risco característica do mundo atual. Elas são multidimensionais e exigem uma análise multiescalar. Inevitavelmente, as decisões são deslocadas para além do nível nacional, na medida em que os problemas socioambientais transcendem as fronteiras estatais. O tema foi incorporado à agenda ambiental internacional nas últimas décadas e atualmente conforma uma ordem ambiental complexa do ponto de vista normativo/institucional. Participam dela quase todos os países que, em conjunto, visam responder ao desafio relativo ao tema, tanto no tocante à mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, como à adaptação aos efeitos que são e serão sentidos por grande parte da população mundial. Porém, ao mesmo tempo em que se reconhece a importância da cooperação multilateral em favor de uma governança eficaz na abordagem do tema, verifica-se que os Estados têm posicionamentos distintos e desenvolvem diversas estratégicas para fazer com que seus interesses nacionais específicos sejam contemplados a cada rodada do processo negociador, o que corrobora com as teorias realistas das Relações Internacionais e de território e soberania da Geografia Política. Neste trabalho analisa-se a participação do Brasil em seis Conferências das Partes da Convenção-Quadro das Nações Unidas sobre Mudança do Clima (UNFCCC), realizadas no período de 2009 a 2014. Avaliam-se quais foram os interesses brasileiros em cada uma destas etapas, o grau de influência exercido sobre os demais países que integram a ordem, bem como em que medida as expectativas do governo brasileiro foram contempladas nas decisões finais destas rodadas de negociações. A metodologia pautou-se em análise de livros, artigos e relatórios sobre a ciência da mudança do clima; de teorias da Geografia Política e das Relações Internacionais; de documentos oficiais sobre eventos que precederam as conferências analisadas no trabalho; das propostas submetidas pelo governo brasileiro e discursos proferidos por seus representantes; de informações obtidas junto à delegação brasileira; de relatórios diários e decisões oficiais de cada rodada de negociações; da participação in loco nos três últimos encontros avaliados nos quais foi possível acompanhar a atuação da delegação brasileira e avaliar suas consequências; bem como de material bibliográfico e jornalístico relacionados a este período do processo negociador. Verificou-se que o Brasil mostra-se cada vez mais disposto à cooperação e tem se destacado por sua habilidade diplomática e ações desenvolvidas em seu território, em especial no combate ao desmatamento da Amazônia. Porém, apresenta premissas básicas não passíveis de flexibilização até o presente momento, como a diferenciação entre países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento conforme estabelecido pela UNFCCC. A questão que se coloca não é se o país irá ampliar sua ambição em termos de mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, mas como as medidas desenvolvidas em seu território serão traduzidas em compromissos internacionalmente vinculantes no novo acordo a ser definido ao final de 2015. Entende-se que o posicionamento do Brasil será fundamental para a conformação da nova fase da ordem ambiental internacional sobre mudanças climáticas, diante de seu perfil de emissões e poder político, econômico e ambiental. / Climate change is among the key issues of the risk society characteristic of today\'s world. They are multidimensional and require multiscale analysis. Inevitably, decisions are displaced beyond the national level to the extent that environmental issues transcend state borders. The theme was incorporated into the international environmental agenda in recent decades and now conform a complex environmental order of the legal/institutional point of view. Participate in it almost all countries that, together, aim to meet the challenge concerning the issue, both with respect to mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions and adaptation to the effects that are and will be felt by much of the world\'s population. However, while recognizing the importance of multilateral cooperation in favor of effective governance in the approach to the subject, it appears that States have different positions and develop various strategies to make their specific national interests are incorporated every round of the negotiating process, which corroborates the realistic theories of International Relations and territory and sovereignty of Political Geography. This paper analyzes the participation of Brazil in six Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in the 2009-2014 period. This study evaluates which were the Brazilian interests in each of these steps, the degree of influence exercised over other countries of the order as well as to what extent the expectations of the Brazilian government were, in fact, included in the final decisions of these rounds negotiations. The methodology was based on the analysis of books, articles and reports on the science of climate change; theories of Political Geography and International Relations; of official documents about events that preceded the conference analyzed at work; of the proposals submitted by the Brazilian government and speeches by their representatives; information obtained from the Brazilian delegation; daily reports and official decisions of each round of negotiations; participation in loco in the last three meetings at which it was possible to track the performance of the Brazilian delegation and assess its consequences; as well as bibliographic and journalistic material related to this period of the negotiating process. It was found that Brazil appears to be increasingly willing to cooperation and has become known for his diplomatic skill and actions carried out in its territory, particularly in combating deforestation of the Amazon. However, it presents basic premises not subject to easing so far as the differentiation between developed and developing countries, as established by the UNFCCC. The question that arises is not if the country will increase its ambition in terms of mitigating emissions of greenhouse gases, but how the measures developed in its territory will be translated into internationally binding commitments in the new agreement to set the end of 2015. It is understood that Brazil\'s position will be critical to the shaping of the new phase of international environmental policy on climate change, because of the emissions profile and political, economic and environmental power.

Big dangerous Russia, environmental thief or house warmer? The Nord Stream pipelines are a highly debated theme in Europe and the EU. A number of different countries will be subject to the pipelines direct or indirect. This paper aims to figure out what kind of threats and possibilities Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Germany consider to be the consequences with the pipelines. The study takes as a standpoint the area of security studies and the widened of the same. The three standpoints within the security study that will be used are military security, environmental security and energy security. It is a comparative study that has been done with help of a text analysis. The analysis concludes that Sweden is the country of the four that finds the most threats with the pipeline. Sweden thinks Nord Stream is a threat within all of the three securities mentioned above even though Sweden also see a possibility within energy security. Denmark, on the other hand, does not see a threat at all and Germany and Finland see a threat within the environmental area but not within the two other areas. They also see a possibility within the energy security.