Thesis (D. Min.)--Western Seminary, Portland, OR, 2008. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-144).

Thesis (M. Div.)--Emmanuel School of Religion, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [144]-154).

Thesis (D.Phil.)--University of Oxford, 2009. / Supervisor: Dr Stephen Fisher. Bibliography: leaves 249-268.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 104 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-87). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

<p>In this study, we will carry out a discourse analysis on gender equality in Eastern African educational policy documents. We have chosen to investigate policy documents from Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, since these countries share a common cultural and colonial heritage. The Eastern African process on enhancing gender equality in education is of great interest to investigate in an educational study since the work on improving gender equity is still quite undeveloped in this region. In addition, these countries have all signed the Millennium Declaration, which obligate the participating countries to reduce gender disparities in education and provide universal primary education to all children.</p><p>Our aim is to analyse and compare different aspects of gender equality in these Eastern African policy documents. In order to do so, we have synthesised critical discourse theory with pedagogical methods. Focus is going to be aimed on the interrelationship between ideas of gender, education, state and society within the different discourses and how these affect the distribution of power.</p><p>This study concludes that there is several common interregional gender discourses embedded in the policy documents, although some national differences has been determined. Our study does also acknowledge that gender and educational policies are globalised. East African gender discourses have conformed to international educational norms and values. This process has resulted in a uniform acceptance of ideas and strategies on how to eradicate gender disparities in education.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2006. / Thesis directed by Maura A. Ryan for the Department of Theology. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 238-245). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis--Tübingen Universität, 2004/2005.

No description available.

Habilitation - Universität, Bonn, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references and register.

The aim of this dissertation is to increase knowledge of political efficacy,both theoretically and empirically. A thorough theoretical discussion iscombined with empirical studies of the development of political efficacy and of its effects on political participation. The results are also discussed in the light of political equality. In three papers, quantitative data on Swedish adolescents are analyzed. The first paper discusses what political efficacy actually entails. Based on an overview of previous research, a merged multidisciplinary perspective with a focus on people’s beliefs in their capacities to perform political actions is presented. Four main pathways concerning how youths gain political efficacy are tested. The second paper’s main question is whether, and in which ways, schools can help students gain political efficacy. In the light of political equality, it reflects upon the individual and societal effects of potential gains in youths’ political efficacy. The third paper scrutinizes the effects of political efficacy on political participation. In addition, the combinations of having political efficacy beliefs, and political knowledge or interest, are tested in order to explore potential interaction (leverage) effects. Altogether, this dissertation presents a more refined and stringent view on political efficacy. It further clarifies the concept itself, which may aid clearer, more coherent, and less ambiguous research. It also provides an input into an existing framework for understanding the development of youths’ political efficacy. Finally, it finds that political efficacy seems to work as a lever for participation. Combined with political interest, it facilitatesthe transformation of psychological engagement into political action. The findings will inform discussion on the implications of stimulating youths’ political efficacy to promote political participation and political equality. By boosting political efficacy along various pathways – in part independently of socioeconomic status – political equality may be promoted by benefiting the least advantaged.