This thesis presents an analysis of adult education programs concerned with reconciliation, and more specifically with reconciliation pedagogy used by community organisations in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland for many years was the site of inter-ethnic violence expressed through sectarian and paramilitary presence, but has moved towards a more peaceful, civil society in recent years. This thesis investigates how the role of the citizen-subject in the new Northern Ireland is constituted in adult education programs and how funding regimes govern such community relations initiatives. The thesis offers a critical analysis of interviews with tutors, participants, designers and managers involved in a selected peace and reconciliation course. A broader view on reconciliation pedagogy and curriculum in anti-sectarian adult education in Northern Ireland leads to a closer exploration of social practices and power relations surrounding the chosen course, while drawing upon selected aspects of social theory, Foucauldian discourse analysis and concepts of governmentality. The analysis revealed that the chosen anti-sectarian course, ‘Us and Them’ (Workers Educational Association), proposes individualisation and responsibilisation as alternatives to community identities and nationalistic myths of origins. Equal rights are interpreted as equal rights to cultural expressions, and culture is continuously privileged over other structural differentials in Northern Ireland such as poverty, class or colour. ‘Us and Them’ is one component of a large machinery of projects designed to address the conflict situation in Northern Ireland. This machinery finds its centre in the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, which privileges certain knowledges based on cultural consociationalism over others and which distributes funds for peace and reconciliation projects accordingly. Furthermore,the thesis examines how contemporary policy papers addressing community relations shape discourses found in anti-sectarian strategies and the rationales, strategies and policies informing “Us and Them’. The aim of the analysis is to explore the power and potential (and the limitations) of individualisation and responsibilisation as techniques in peace and reconciliation pedagogy in post-settlement ethnic conflict situations.

Based on the author's thesis (doctoral). / Includes bibliographical references (p. [197]-209).

A guerra que desmembrou a ex-Federação das Repúblicas da Iugoslávia ainda apresenta conseqüências tanto na vida dos iugoslavos quanto no sistema internacional. Este estudo busca repensar algumas das teses básicas apontadas pela mídia e por alguns analistas como sendo as causas da guerra. Partindo do questionamento da principal destas teses – de que o conflito tem uma origem estritamente étnica – fazemos breves anotações sobre as teorias de etnicidade/nacionalismo, passamos para um estudo histórico do conflito, buscando agregar um maior número de dimensões, e finalmente concluímos analisando a participação dos atores do sistema internacional no desenvolvimento do conflito. / The war that dismembered the former-Federation of the Republics of Yugoslavia still, through its consequences, presents in the life of the Yugoslavians as in the international system. This study directed to the rethinking of some of the pointed basic theses that may have caused the war; the most important ones are those pointed by the media and by some analysts. Starting from what may be the most important of these theses – that the conflict has an strictly ethnic origin – we make brief annotations on etnicity and nationalism theories', then we passed for a historical study of the conflict, in an effort to join a larger number of dimensions, and finally we concluded analyzing the participation of some actors of the international system in the development of the conflict.

This study evaluates the influence of decentralization on ethnic conflict and secessionism. There is little agreement in the existing literature, as several scholars argue for regional autonomy as an effective method of conflict resolution while other scholars argue that decentralization exacerbates ethnic conflict by reinforcing ethnic identities and promoting ethnic mobilization. By adopting a theoretical framework that distinguishes itself from previous research, an argument is proposed that while regional autonomy concessions provide a direct short-term effect, the indirect consequences of decentralization risk reinforcing ethnic identities and encourage ethnic mobilization long-term. Thus, a combination of territorial and governmental power sharing is necessary for decentralization to be successful in reducing ethnic conflict and secessionism. By adopting a combined structural and group perspective on decentralization, the argument is implemented in a within-case comparison of Spain as well as a between-case comparison with Bosnia and Herzegovina. Main findings suggest that regional autonomy does not provide short-term reduction, rather, a combination of territorial and governmental power sharing with full inclusion into executive power is required for decentralization to successfully reduce ethnic conflict and secessionism. Additional insights on national identity as a compelling variable with potential theoretical inference were also gained.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:20:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cesar Battisti.pdf: 2484211 bytes, checksum: e5ad56a0e4a12e9eb47c3df35e4e2dbf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation aims to understand the integration of Bolivian immigrants in popular trade in the city of São Paulo, over the past three decades the flow of Bolivian immigrants has intensified, these are mainly working in numerous sewing workshops across the city. However, in recent years, many of these immigrants are leaving the sewing workshops and inserting in activities related to the popular trade, thus becoming peddlers and hawkers, which have as one of its main areas of insertion of the Fair Dawn an important circuit existing popular trade in the city. Besides the Bolivians are also present at the fair other immigrant groups such as chinese, paraguayans, peruvians, africans from several countries besides the coming internal migrants, especially the Brazilian Northeast. Thus, this circuit trade has been characterized as an important area of insertion for different groups arriving in the city. Understand the historical movement that led the members of this group initially restricted the workshops for this trade space is the central objective of this dissertation, here understand this movement as the result of larger process in which Bolivian immigrants come gradually entering into new spaces, jockeying for position and acquiring power, we define this movement as a process of accumulation of experiences from this group within the city . Thus, this study aimed to understand how these immigrants fit into this trade circuit and what consequences that result from this process, such as conflicts with other ethnic groups, the possibility of mobility afforded by new and existing occupancy changes within the community that fruit new context. To achieve these goals we use as a method for gathering information fieldwork using participant observation, trying to establish a dialogue with our stakeholders to better understand this social phenomenon. / A presente dissertação objetiva compreender a inserção dos imigrantes bolivianos no comércio popular na cidade de São Paulo. Ao longo das últimas três décadas, o fluxo de imigrantes bolivianos vem se intensificando, estes encontram trabalho principalmente nas inúmeras oficinas de costura espalhadas pela cidade. Porém, nos últimos anos, muitos desses imigrantes estão deixando as oficinas de costura e se inserindo em atividades ligadas ao comércio popular, tornando-se camelôs e vendedores ambulantes, os quais terão como um dos seus principais espaços de inserção a Feira da Madrugada, um importante circuito de comércio popular existente na cidade. Além dos bolivianos também estão presentes na feira imigrantes de outras nacionalidades, como os chineses, paraguaios, peruanos, africanos de diversos países, além dos migrantes internos vindos do Nordeste brasileiro. Desta forma, este circuito de comércio vem se caracterizando como um importante espaço de inserção para os diferentes grupos que chegam à cidade. Compreender o movimento histórico que levou os membros deste grupo, inicialmente restritos as oficinas para este espaço de comércio é o objetivo central desta dissertação. Aqui compreendemos imigrantes bolivianos vêm gradativamente se inserindo em novos espaços na cidade, disputando posições e adquirindo poder, definimos este movimento como sendo um processo de acumulação de experiências por parte deste grupo dentro da cidade. Assim, o intuito é compreender como estes imigrantes se inserem neste circuito de comércio e quais desdobramentos resultam deste processo, tais como os conflitos com as demais etnias, a possibilidade de mobilidade ascendente proporcionada pela nova ocupação e as alterações existentes no interior da comunidade, derivadas desse novo contexto. Para atingir estes objetivos utilizamos como método para coleta de informações a pesquisa de campo com o uso da observação participante, estabelecendo um diálogo com os interlocutores para a melhor compreensão deste fenômeno social.

In 1918, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes established a kingdom called "Yugoslavia." Serbs were considering this state as the state of Serbs. Bosnia Hercegovina's community or political powers did not help the establishment of Yugoslavia. The official ideology considered Muslims as the heir of the Ottoman occupiers in the Balkans. In the first Yugoslavia, Bosnian Muslims were under pressure and they were attacked by Serbs who had the official support of the administration. In time those attacks turned into ethnic cleansing. Bosnian Muslims were pushed out of the government bureaucracy and their lands.

"This paper relies on the belief that amelioratoin of the ethnic porblem requires the recognition and entrenchment of ethnic claims as part of a constitutional settlement in Africa not only as a matter of practical expediency but also a human rights necessity. It is expected that institutionalising group rights in a way to allow political participation and self-administraton by the sub-state groups contains ethnic conflict and necessitates collaboration and national cohesion. It is, thus, submitted that self-determination as a human right is an overriding norm and institution in the contemporary African situation. It vindicates group rights and captures some of the fundamental tensions in the politico-legal set-ups of states in Africa. As such, the potential of the right to self-determination in the realization of such objectives is closely considered. The focus of this study is, therefore, to wrestle with the query of whether institutionalising the right to self-determinaton would address inter-ethnic tension in the context of Africa. Such questions as how the right to self-determinaton is related to ethnicity and group rights and what institutional and normative solutions are present in the right to self-determination are also examined. This is done by way of examining the elements and various institutional dimensions of the right to self-determination and the experience of Ethiopia and South Africa. ... The study is divided into four chapters. Chapter one outlines the context of the study, objectives and significance of the study as well as the hypothesis and literature review. It is sought in the second chapter to explore the ethnicity problem and the right to self-determination in Africa. Chapter three deals with analysing the elements of the right to self-determination, its potentials to address the ethnicity dilemma of African and the modalities of institutionalising it. Chapter four examines the recognition of the right to self-determination under the Federal Constitution of Ethiopia and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, the manner in which it is entrenched and institutionalised in the set-ups of the two states and the lessons, good or ill, to be drawn from their experience. Finally, the study seeks to draw some conclusions that involve recommended suggestions." -- Chapter 1. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)University of Pretoria, 2003. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This thesis seeks to understand which opportunities make excluded ethnic groups use nonviolence. The research question is: Under which conditions do politically-excluded ethnic groups initiate nonviolent resistance rather than violent resistance? The study challenges an existing assumption that ethnic exclusion creates opportunities for violence and hinders nonviolence, by exploring if constraints to violence favor nonviolence. I hypothesize that two opportunities from nonviolence theory – autocracy and mass participation – and two constraints to violence – the state having a powerful ally and high territorial outreach – constitute alternative pathways to nonviolence. I make a joint evaluation of these contrasting theoretical views with Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), using a comprehensive dataset of 79 campaigns initiated by excluded ethnic groups. The theory evaluation is complemented by three informative within-case studies: the Lithuanian Sajudis campaign (1988), the Druze resistance in Israel (1981) and the Malawian Anti-Banda campaign (1992). I find that opportunities from both theoretical strands work in combination. One pathway – mass participation in a state with high outreach and no powerful ally – leads to nonviolence in almost 71% of the cases occurring in that setting, and explains roughly 63% of all nonviolent campaigns initiated by excluded groups.

This study aims to answer two interlinked questions with respect to ethnic conflict in Georgia: Why and how two ethnic groups (Abkhazians and Ossetians) in Georgia sought secession in 1990s rather than accepting unity under a common Georgian roof, and what explains the occurrence of ethnic conflicts between the Abkhazians and Georgians and between the South Ossetians and Georgians? The central argument of this thesis is that Soviet nationality policy was a foremost driving force in shaping consciousness of being ethnic groups in Georgia and set the stage for the inter-ethnic conflicts of the post-Soviet era. A number of factors explain the particular inter-ethnic conflicts in Georgia among ethnic groups, including a long historical relationship between the Georgian people and the Abkhaz and Ossetian minorities, but I argue that the foremost factor was the role of Soviet nationality policy that evolved from Lenin to Gorbachev, a policy that granted ethnic groups some level of privileges and fostered a wave of national self-assertion, Soviet nationality policy and the Soviet federal structure created numerous ethnic- and territorial-based autonomous units during the Soviet era; these units shaped their own political institutions, national intelligentsias, and bureaucratic elites, forming the basis for later nationalistic movements and developing a wish for self-determination and full independence. These institutions and beliefs made ethnic conflict in a post-Soviet Georgia inevitable.

Power-sharing has become a frequent approach to conflict resolution and postconflict reconstruction in deeply divided multi-ethnic states. Although most of the power-sharing arrangements failed within the first years after their establishment, a few contemporary cases are associated with successful power-sharing, namely with the consociational model. This work aims to determine the impact of the power-sharing arrangement on conflict dynamics and vice versa, thus the development of the model in the long term. Designs, aims and theoretical predictions of two power-sharing models, specifically consociational and centripetal models, are elaborated and subsequently compared with the after-civil war development in Lebanon and Burundi from 2005 to 2019. The periods are divided into time units bounded by amendments of the power-sharing arrangements and peace agreements. That enables to observe the development of both conflict dynamics and models. Political and civil society developments, conflicts registered in the UCDP database and political crisis are considered and put into the context of power-sharing arrangements. Based on the results, I claim that conflict dynamics from the last civil war are maintained on elites' level in the long term, while the gap between elites and masses has widened. Also, the...