Population growth and internal migration in parts of the developing world have led to increased conflict over land rights carried out in the context of competing tenure paradigms. In Kenya, violent conflict between 'indigenous' and 'outsider' communities occurring in the midst of a program of democratic liberalization and political change has been variously explained as primarily driven by material or political interests. This thesis examines land rights conflict in the wake of a violent clash at Enoosupukia in 1993, which led to the displacement of up to 30,000 people, and analyzes how changing tenure paradigms, shifting socio-spatial boundaries, ethno-political polarization, and pressure on land resources all contribute to the perpetuation of conflict and tenure uncertainty. I argue that, despite challenging civil precepts of liberal governance, assertion of exclusive ethnic rights to traditional territories may nevertheless lead to political justice and alleviate the marginalization of indigenous and minority groups.

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My research focuses on the role of historical legacies in shaping conflict dynamics and reinforcing social divisions today. I highlight the importance of equity in creating effective long-term governance and resilient institutions. Using the Philippines southern region of Mindanao as a case study, the three papers in my dissertation come together to provide evidence that the robust relationship between ethnic homogeneity and institutional development may not hold consistently over elongated time frames. I argue that while homogeneous communities are often quicker to organize through informal norms, the slower process of channeling regulations through structured, fixed institutions may sacrifice short term efficiency in favor of long-term durability. Viewing fractionalization as a process, I argue that this institutional trajectory will only unfold when examined through a historical lens and if fractionalization occurs in ways that incentivize collaboration instead of competition between groups. My first paper highlights the importance of a mutual investment in exchange across groups for setting communities on a path towards resiliency to communal conflicts. I argue that communities with histories of religious and ethnolinguistic diversity, alongside intergroup exchange, are more likely to invest in formal processes to resolve disputes, which in time leads to more robust institutions to mediate conflict between groups. I use 1939 census data on local dialects to show that contemporary Peace Zones are more likely to form in areas where members of the majority group invested in learning minority languages historically. The second paper provides evidence that the process of fractionalization, rather than just fractionalization itself, will carry long term consequences for institutional development. I argue that increased ethnic fractionalization during times of low conflict can break down political dynasties, which strengthens long term government responsiveness. Using census and administrative data, I show that where municipalities had higher levels of fractionalization prior to the mass migration and discriminatory laws initiated by US colonial authorities there are higher ratings of local government efficiency today. However, sharper demographic changes during the period of mass migration are associated with decreases in contemporary local government efficiency. The third paper uses original survey data collected on the management of land conflicts to explore where and why some local courts show more bias against minority groups. Survey results show that local government officials are more likely to expect community courts to rule in favor of minority groups in communities that fractionalized prior to mass migration. However, sharper demographic changes during mass migration are associated with a decreased expectation that a member of a minority group will accept the ruling of a local court. I provide evidence that historical institutional arrangements are generating path dependencies by showing that historical fractionalization prior to mass migration is associated with the development of fixed institutions to resolve conflict across multiple time periods historically and today. These papers provide theory and evidence of enhanced institutional resilience and an ability to adapt to new challenges or opportunities in communities with histories of intergroup cooperation. While fractionalization may initially weaken coordination, the institutional arrangements designed to overcome this new barrier can promote long term durability and strengthen a community's ability to effectively manage future conflicts.

This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.

The central investigation of the thesis is an exploration of why the US has, historically, done very little in terms of assisting the various Sri Lankan governments in their fight against, what the US Department of State determined as, one of the most deadly terrorist organisations on the planet. The thesis traces the development of the US-Sri Lanka relationship from independence (1948) to present day, identifying trends and motifs in the bi-lateral connection. Once identified, these trends and motifs are used to place the American response to the emerging conflict in a clear historical context. The work makes it clear that there are unambiguous historical indicators in the US-Sri Lanka relationship that help determine the nature of it, and that these indicators become ever more apparent, even dominant, as the war between the Tamil insurgents and the Sri Lankan state intensifies. These historical indicators are then used to frame the impact of the War on Terror on America's orientation towards the conflict. The investigation draws together the historical dynamics that have shaped, and continue to impact upon, the US-Sri Lanka relationship, giving a very definite set of parameters within which the US is prepared to accommodate the Sri Lankan state. Ultimately, the question of whether the War on Terror, prosecuted by the administration of President George W. Bush, marked a 'turning point' in the relationship between America and Sri Lanka is answered. The judgment, clearly supported by a broad range of original and, at times peerless, primary sources, is that the US operates a very restrictive foreign policy with Sri Lanka, and that this policy has done very little in material terms, to assist against the LTTE - despite the Bush administration's War on Terror.

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No abstract available in dissertation / Politicisation of identities, negotiations and transition in a conflict society / Ethics of a genocide-free Burundi / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M.A. (Philosophy)

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Recent years have seen new ideologies and political factors being introduced into the Sudanese political landscape. The new war in Darfur has revealed that the traditional North-South conflict is not necessarily a religious war but rather a war that goes beyond religion and ethnicity. Several factors underpin the civil wars in Sudan; principally disputes over religion, identity, inequality, resources, governance, self-determination, autonomy and secession. The attempt is therefore to define the various actors, factors and issues underlying both the North-South conflict and the new war in Darfur, and to analyse and compare the differences and similarities between the two wars. Both the conflicts in Southern Sudan and in Darfur have their origin in the decay of the Sudanese state and in both cases did political marginalisation resulted in political exclusion. Another resemblance between the two wars is the acute identity crisis that resulted from the long history of stratification and discrimination. Both warring groups want to reassert their distinguishing characteristics in the respective conflicts where ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ have distinctive meanings and are used as racial, cultural, and political identities. The third similarity between the South and Darfur is the ethnic cleansing tactics and policies the Sudanese government has adopted. The differences between these two wars is that Southern Sudan has developed into a war over national resources while Darfur does not share the same strategic commodities. The second is secession. The South started as a secessionist war while neither of the rebel groups in Darfur have demanded any form of self-determination. Darfur has also seen relatively timely international attention compared to Southern Sudan. Comparing the two conflicts do reveal that neither religion nor race is at the heart of Sudan’s wars. Instead, the root of the insurgencies is largely founded upon culturally and regionally imposed economic and political marginalisation coupled with the politicization of ethnic identities. The challenge for Sudan will be to create a new consciousness of common identity and a new meaning of belonging that grants peace, dignity, development and fundamental human rights.