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This dissertation examines the relationships between citizenship and sexuality and gender in imperial formations, through an archaeology/genealogy of the subject position of those classified as the hijra. Combining Lacan's symbolic order with Foucault's historic a priori in order to understand empire, this project examines two main questions: how were sexuality and gender -- notably manifest in the subject position of the hijra -- used as forms of political control in colonial India; and how transformations in empire were produced through changing representations of the hijra. Consequently, the hijra represent a key point -- or, in the words of Lacan, le point de capiton -- in the anchoring of a field of meaning that enabled colonial governance in both a diachronic and synchronic fashion; in other words, the figure of the hijra was translated by the colonial writers in such a way as to facilitate the creation of an ideology that privileged British understandings of sexuality and masculinity, not to mention civility, modernity, and, to a degree, religiosity, establishing British authority in the region. This project consists of a textual analysis of nineteenth-century British documents and writings, especially historical records, such as ethnographies, translations, census information, official reports, intra-government communications, and legal documents from the late eighteenth through early twentieth centuries, with a focus on the nineteenth. Through an examination of these sources, this dissertation explores how this group was translated by the colonial authorities; that is, it queries the conditions under which they were represented as a group that was constituted by those who were defined by sexual and gendered characteristics -- eunuchs, hermaphrodites, and impotent men.

本文以明人對宦官態度轉變及其相應行動爲中心，著重從政治文化互動的角度，探討在明代君權專制強化而滋生發達宦官政治情況之下，士大夫如何因應這一政治結構和政治生態的變化，調整思維與行動的方式，施展和落實儒家的政治理想與目標的過程、言行表現及其意義。 / 本文認爲明代中後期的士大夫在對待宦官態度與問題上，出現重要的轉變與調適，他們趨向於呼籲改變與宦官對立的關係，普遍強調宦官具備與常"人"一致的天性與善端，主張以引導和"教化"的方式令其從善。這一思維轉向的要義，是中晚明的士大夫在承認宦官官僚政治和認識宦官顯著角色及地位的基礎上，思考通過"改造"宦官進而改善政治。 / 中晚明時期這股思維轉向更重要地表現為以"化宦"為中心内容的行動與實踐。對宦官讀書之所--内書堂重振的共識與努力以及撰作宦官教化用書，即是這一實踐的直接落實。中晚明人士在内書堂教育和撰作宦官教化書籍中，均重視以歷史和本朝歷史上的宦官善惡實例來強化宦官道德理想教育，感召和鼓勵其去惡向善、忠君愛國以及輔養君德。這是他們借"化宦"來"格君"的努力，是他們施展上層經世理想的表現和重要内容。 / 在晚明集中出現的衆多宦官教化用書中，萬曆初王畿所作"化宦"書《中鑒錄》是一本對宦官有實際影響和感召力的著作。這與書中揚棄傳統偏見，尊重並同情宦官歷史，鼓勵他們具有常"人"的良知等情形密切關係。與之相反的個案則是張世則撰作的《貂璫史鑒》，以受到宦官排斥告終。其"成敗"視乎它們有否契合中晚明以來宦官在知識文化增廣之餘主體和自我意識提高的趨向。 / 綜核本文討論所得，主要有以下三點認識。第一，明代士人與宦官的關係複雜多樣，不能以對抗與勾結的二元結構予以簡單處理。中晚明時期不斷出現的"化宦"思想和實踐顯示，士大夫傾向於覺得他們與宦官處於同一政治文化之中，並且有意強化已趨"一體"的向路。第二，在政治現實不利和政治空間有限的情況下，明代士大夫能務實而敏銳地利用"化宦"來"格君"，可見他們不曾放棄得君行道的理想，熱情未減。這是政治與文化之間高度呼應、交互影響與滲透的應有真義和全貌。第三，儒家核心價值系統中的原則為後人改造世界提供精神和經典的來源。中晚明人士思考宦官具有"人"的面向與價值並將他們納入"有教無類"之中，顯示儒家價值系統只有回到現實政治與社會生活中並積極地予以回應，摸爬滾打中，才能得到充實和實踐。這是儒學實踐性的特點和要求。 / This dissertation studies the attitudes and actions of scholar-officials to the eunuchs in the Ming dynasty. From the perspective of political and cultural interaction, it explores how scholar-officials coped with changes in the political structures and political ecologies in which eunuch politics became a major issue of government. It examines scholar-officials’ thinking and action in dealing with the eunuchs while attempting to implement their political ideal when monarchical despotism reigned in Ming times. / The study finds that there are important changes in scholar-officials’ attitudes in mid and late Ming times. Instead of discrimination against eunuchs they tended to see eunuchs as their equal as human beings. They believed that eunuchs have similar human nature and humaneness as theirs, and advocated making them good imperial servants by moral and civil education. They adopted an approach that government improvement can be achieved by “transforming the eunuchs through a Confucian-based education and recognizing the eunuch’s significant role and status in the imperial government. / Mid and late Ming scholar-officials were eager to put their new ideas into actions. They were keen in reviving the Nei Shu Tang（内書堂）, the eunuch school in the palace and in writing books specially intended to educate the eunuchs. These books have a common focus on the eunuch’s moral sense. Good and bad examples from history are cited to encourage them to get rid of evil thought and action and to cultivate their good sense to serve their monarchs and the imperial court well and loyally, thus also to help improve the monarch’s character and enhance his virtues. I consider such effort by mid and late Ming scholar-officials to improve the emperor through educating the eunuchs a key form of upper-level statecraft. / The research finds that the Zhong Jianlu（《中鑒錄》/ Mirror of the Eunuchs）written in the very beginning of the Wanli period by Wang Ji（王畿）, the most famous student of Wang Yangming（王陽明）, was a very effective education book for enlightening the eunuchs. The success of the book owes much to the respect and sympathy it show for the eunuchs. It considers them as ordinary human beings with conscience and good will rather than discriminating them by traditional prejudice. By contrast, the Diaodang Shijian（《貂璫史鑒》/Historical Mirror of the Eunuchs）written by Zhang Shize（張世則）in the middle period of the Wanli emperor, although also aiming to educate the eunuchs, failed to attract them because of a different approach to its presentation. These two examples shows that whether an education book was accepted by the eunuchs depends on whether it responded aptly to eunuch population’s increase in knowledge and cultural achievement, as well as eunuchs’ awareness of their importance in late Ming times. / In conclusion, this dissertation presents the following three views. First, the relationship between the scholar-officials and the eunuchs, which was often considered in oppositional or conflicting terms, was more complex and diverse. Scholar-officials in mid and late Ming times came to realize, and emphasized, that their political culture should be shared by the eunuchs. Second, Ming scholar-officials were pragmatic attempting to rectify their monarchs by educating the eunuchs, who were their immediate servant. This also shows that scholar-officials still had strong interest in influencing the monarch with their ideals and values at the highest level of imperial government. Third, scholar-officials’ consideration of eunuchs as their fellow human beings capable of being educated for good heart and behavior suggests that the Confucian value system worked in a positive way only when abiding to the reality of political and social life. The practice of Confucian learning finds expression and meaning not in empty theories. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 吳兆丰. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-336) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wu Zhaofeng. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.9 / Chapter 一 --- 政治、制度史研究中的明代宦官 --- p.10 / Chapter 二 --- 明代宦官與士大夫關係研究的現狀 --- p.22 / Chapter 三 --- 社會文化視角下的明代宦官 --- p.27 / Chapter 四 --- 本文的結構和內容安排 --- p.31 / Chapter 第二章 --- "攻宦"的效果與思考：以成化名臣王恕為中心 --- p.33 / Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.34 / Chapter 二 --- "攻宦"與王恕名節的建立 --- p.35 / Chapter 三 --- "攻宦"與王恕"格君"的努力 --- p.40 / Chapter 四 --- 成化末王恕奏疏的彙刊與謀劃入閣的關係 --- p.46 / Chapter 五 --- 餘論："攻宦"的名與實 --- p.54 / Chapter 第三章 --- 調適與轉變：明中後期士大夫對宦官的省思 --- p.57 / Chapter 第一節 --- 真德秀《大學衍義》對宦官的態度及其"反響" --- p.58 / Chapter 一 --- 《大學衍義》齊家之要--目的設置用意 --- p.58 / Chapter 二 --- 《大學衍義》對宦官的態度與定位 --- p.62 / Chapter 三 --- 《大學衍義》宦官部份在明代的反響 --- p.68 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明成、弘年間士大夫對"化宦"的思考與嘗試 --- p.77 / Chapter 一 --- "宦侍亦人也"：丘濬的思考 --- p.77 / Chapter 二 --- "人皆可以為堯舜"：賀欽的嘗試 --- p.84 / Chapter 第三節 --- 正、嘉年間士人對"化宦"的強調與共識 --- p.90 / Chapter 一 --- "性無內外"與"不以類求"：湛若水的個案 --- p.90 / Chapter （一） --- 《聖學格物通》及其對議禮的態度 --- p.90 / Chapter （二） --- "性無內外"：《格物通》對"得宦"的強調 --- p.96 / Chapter （三） --- "不以類求"： 湛若水與太監丘得的來往 --- p.100 / Chapter 二 --- "有教無類"：正、嘉年間儒臣對宦官的普遍共識 --- p.102 / Chapter （一） --- 從黃佐、方鵬到王瓊、顧應祥："不以其人而沒其善" --- p.103 / Chapter （二） --- 何瑭："内臣未必無君子，外臣未必無小人" --- p.105 / Chapter （三） --- 唐樞："有教無類" --- p.107 / 小結 --- p.112 / Chapter 第四章 --- "化宦"與"格君"：中晚明人士重振內書堂的共識與努力 --- p.114 / Chapter 第一節 --- "以為汙辱"：成 弘年間士大夫對內書堂的觀感和態度 --- p.115 / Chapter 第二節 --- "宮府一體"：中晚明士大夫對內書堂的重視和重振 --- p.120 / Chapter 一 --- 初振與新義：正德和嘉靖初年的情形 --- p.120 / Chapter （一） --- 景暘與何瑭 --- p.120 / Chapter （二） --- 陸深與徐階 --- p.122 / Chapter 二 --- 共識與努力：嘉靖中至萬曆中的情形 --- p.125 / Chapter （一） --- 貢汝成："患無以教之" --- p.126 / Chapter （二） --- 郭樸、孫升、趙貞吉 --- p.129 / Chapter （三） --- 李春芳、胡傑、亢思謙、汪鏜 --- p.132 / Chapter （四） --- 姚弘謨、李貴及其《思齊錄》 金達、陶大臨 --- p.136 / Chapter （五） --- 羅萬化、 黃鳳翔、 趙志皋 --- p.140 / Chapter （六） --- 黃洪憲、 張元忭及其《內館訓言》、敖文禎 --- p.143 / Chapter （七） --- 禮部的呼籲：沈鯉《典禮疏》 --- p.151 / Chapter （八） --- 內書堂教材的確定：《中鑒錄》與《貂璫史鑒》 --- p.156 / Chapter （九） --- 教材的挑戰者：焦竑周如砥《中學始肄》 --- p.157 / Chapter 第三節 --- 餘緒：啓、 禎年間的情況 --- p.163 / Chapter 一 --- 東林的聲音：錢士升 --- p.163 / Chapter 二 --- "教養內監，最是重任"：善書的強調 --- p.164 / Chapter 三 --- "我者"與"他者"：宦官劉若愚振刷内書堂的倡議 --- p.167 / 小結 --- p.171 / Chapter 第五章 --- 著作與教化：王畿編纂"化宦"書《中鑒錄》的政治背景與内容特色 --- p.173 / Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.173 / Chapter 二 --- 《中鑒錄》的流傳、影響及其版本問題 --- p.175 / Chapter 三 --- 萬曆初王畿編纂《中鑒錄》的背景及其推廣的努力 --- p.187 / Chapter 四 --- 《中鑒錄》初刊和復梓者太監孫隆、劉成的事略 --- p.199 / Chapter （一） --- 翻刻者劉成的生平事略 --- p.199 / Chapter （二） --- 劉成與初刊者孫隆的關係 --- p.202 / Chapter （三） --- 孫隆的生平及其首刊《中鑒錄》的背景 --- p.206 / Chapter （四） --- 孫隆再度提督蘇杭織造期間的政治表現 --- p.216 / Chapter 五 --- 《中鑒錄》的內容安排 特色與取材 --- p.224 / Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.239 / Chapter 第六章 --- 同調與異趨：萬曆年間的宦官教化書籍 --- p.241 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《中鑒錄》與萬曆年間宦官教化書籍的持續出現 --- p.241 / Chapter 一 --- 王畿的同調：鄒德涵的聲音 --- p.241 / Chapter 二 --- 宦官"爰書"：李騰芳《宦寺考》 --- p.243 / Chapter 三 --- "銘讒鼎而志梼杌"：徐學聚《歷朝璫鑒》 --- p.248 / Chapter 四 --- "均治"之書：劉元卿《六鑒舉要》 --- p.253 / Chapter 五 --- 勸善戒惡：胡良臣《內臣昭鑑錄》 --- p.256 / Chapter 六 --- 宦官模範：佚名《中貴芳摹》 --- p.258 / Chapter 第二節 --- 張世則《貂璫史鑒》的撰作與命運：兼與《中鑒錄》比較 --- p.259 / Chapter 一 --- 張世則的生平與思想 --- p.259 / Chapter 二 --- 《貂璫史鑒》撰作的政治背景和直接用意 --- p.261 / Chapter 三 --- 《貂璫史鑒》內容特色與其備受宦官冷遇的關係 --- p.266 / Chapter 四 --- 餘論 --- p.275 / 小結 --- p.276 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結語 --- p.277 / Chapter 一 --- 明代士人與宦官關係的重新認識 --- p.281 / Chapter 二 --- "化宦"與士人"得君行道"理想的施展 --- p.282 / Chapter 三 --- 儒家價值系統的充實和實踐 --- p.284 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 丘濬《世史正綱》宦官條目後按語 --- p.285 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 張元忭《內館訓言》 --- p.292 / Chapter 附錄三 --- 王畿《中鑒錄·中鑒答問》 --- p.297 / Chapter 附錄四 --- 王畿《中鑒錄》的按語 --- p.302 / Chapter 附錄五 --- 圖一：馮保《經書音釋》自撰跋文後之印章 --- p.310 / Chapter 附錄六 --- 圖二：金忠《御世仁風》手書跋文後之章印 --- p.311 / 參考文獻 --- p.312

This project report analyzes the emergence of categories of sexual deviancy as they appear in selected medical treatises from the eighteenth century. Terms such as homosexual or lesbian were not yet available in medical or public discourse but the early modern writers did use a variety of other references to establish the existence of such categories. For instance, one might label deviants as hermaphrodites, eunuchs, sodomites, or monsters to describe what were perceived as unnatural forms of sexual expression which ostensibly posed a threat to the social order largely because they were not procreative, but also because of the fear that they might produce children of the same ilk. Moreover, the sudden explosion in scientific and medical knowledge during the Enlightenment created a need for the organization and classification of such knowledge, as well as a fascination with anomalies and how they might be cured. My argument is that four of these deviant categoriesthe chronic masturbator, tribades or hermaphrodites, mollies (or effeminate male homosexuals), and eunuchswere considered unnatural because they fell outside normative prescriptions of acceptable sexual conduct that was based primarily on pro-natal and pro-nutpial ideologies. I rely on experts in eighteenth-century scholarship, such as Rictor Norton, Randolph Trumbach, Thomas Laqueur, Robert Darby, Thomas A. King, and George Rousseau, to inform my discussion of writings from this period. Although contemporary scholars in this field have made significant contributions to our knowledge of early modern understandings of sexual deviancy, relatively few of them seem to have investigated how medical treatises on generation provided a scientific basis for the marginalization of specific types of people. By identifying these types under the larger category of generation, I argue that these medical texts and popular sexologies function as vehicles of social control by emphasizing that the only legitimate form of sexual expression was within the context of marriage and that its sole purpose was for reproduction.

This project report analyzes the emergence of categories of sexual deviancy as they appear in selected medical treatises from the eighteenth century. Terms such as homosexual or lesbian were not yet available in medical or public discourse but the early modern writers did use a variety of other references to establish the existence of such categories. For instance, one might label deviants as hermaphrodites, eunuchs, sodomites, or monsters to describe what were perceived as unnatural forms of sexual expression which ostensibly posed a threat to the social order largely because they were not procreative, but also because of the fear that they might produce children of the same ilk. Moreover, the sudden explosion in scientific and medical knowledge during the Enlightenment created a need for the organization and classification of such knowledge, as well as a fascination with anomalies and how they might be cured. My argument is that four of these deviant categoriesthe chronic masturbator, tribades or hermaphrodites, mollies (or effeminate male homosexuals), and eunuchswere considered unnatural because they fell outside normative prescriptions of acceptable sexual conduct that was based primarily on pro-natal and pro-nutpial ideologies. I rely on experts in eighteenth-century scholarship, such as Rictor Norton, Randolph Trumbach, Thomas Laqueur, Robert Darby, Thomas A. King, and George Rousseau, to inform my discussion of writings from this period. Although contemporary scholars in this field have made significant contributions to our knowledge of early modern understandings of sexual deviancy, relatively few of them seem to have investigated how medical treatises on generation provided a scientific basis for the marginalization of specific types of people. By identifying these types under the larger category of generation, I argue that these medical texts and popular sexologies function as vehicles of social control by emphasizing that the only legitimate form of sexual expression was within the context of marriage and that its sole purpose was for reproduction.

I denna studie ifrågasätter jag tolkningar av Matteus 19:12, som påstår att versen och dess användning av ordet “eunuck” (εὐνοῦχος) förespråkar celibatet - antingen som en ideal eller alternativ till äktenskapet. Detta gör jag genom en studie av både historiska och bibliska bakgrundsfaktorer - främst identiteter, socio-politiska roller och andra aspekter av eunucker i antiken. Jag börjar med grekisk-romerska synsätt, som bevisar att eunucker oftast betraktades som hyper-sexualiserade och fördömdes för sina avvikande sexuella och könsidentiteter åtminstone av den Grekiska och Romerska eliten. Likadana synsätt har jag funnit i skrifter av den judiska filosofen Filon av Alexandria. Rabbinska källor uppvisar däremot radikalt annorlunda synsätt, som betraktar inte eunucker som celibata, men inte eller som köns-överskridande, allmänt eller sexuellt omoraliska. Diskussion om den Syriska kontexten och problematiken med dess källor visar att det kan vara värt att begrunda även postkoloniala perspektiv i frågan om eunuckernas identiteter, hur de avspeglas i olika källor och vilka avsikter skulle man kunna ha haft i användningen av sådanakaraktärer. Efter denna analys drar jag slutsatsen att tolkningen av Matteus 19:12 som förespråkande celibat är svår att försvara utifrån ett historisk-kritiskt perspektiv. Jag argumenterar också att de andra tolkningarna likväl tenderar att missa eller ignorera potentiellt viktiga aspekter i hur eunucker har betraktats, avbildats och behandlats i dom antika samhällena och Bibeln. Jag föreslår därför att söka nya intersektionella tolkningssätt.

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