Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyses the sub-regional cooperation in East Central Europe. It argues that the changed security environment after the fall of the Iron Curtain made the states of the region realize the need for close cooperation in order to meet the requirements of membership of the larger security institutions. It draws upon the example of the Hungarian-Romanian joint Peacekeeping Battalion as an example of military cooperation at the sub-regional level. Sub-regional cooperation and organizations are perfect tools for EU candidate countries in preparing for the enlargement. The mutual interest of the involved states and the criteria of the expansion itself in this phase already brought stability to the region. Sub regionalism develops and prepares the economies, the infrastructure of the aspirant countries and helps consolidates their democracies. Since good-neighboring relations is one of the requirements for membership, sub-regional cooperation with the cross-border contracts that include every level of society promote tolerance between ethnic groups and helps overcome the historical real or fictitious injustices and promotes good relations between nations. / Major, Hungarian Army

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2002. / Thesis advisor(s): Steve Garrett, Tjarck Roessler. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-70). Also available online.

Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Lausanne.

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2002. / AD-A404 647. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-70). Also available online.

Since World War Two, there has been a consistent effort on the part of Western Europe to move towards Integration. The idea, although not new, has for the first time found a widespread enthusiasm among the nations within this sector of Europe. These nations, prodded by the two catastrophic experiences of World War One and Two^ have sought ways of overcoming the intense nationalism of the European States. Their aim Is to emphasize the commonality of these states which enables them to take advantage of supra-national institutions and policies.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1966 J6 / Master of Science

Chan Wai Shun. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-216). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / ABSTRACT --- p.III / 緒論 --- p.IV / ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.V / TABLE OF CONTENT --- p.VII / ABBREVIATIONS / LIST OF TABLES / LISTS OF FIGURES --- p.XII / Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Policy Background --- p.4 / Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Hypotheses --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptualization of Terms --- p.8 / Chapter 1.4 --- Thematic Framework of the Whole Dissertation --- p.11 / Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology and Research Limitations --- p.14 / Chapter 1.5.1 --- The Selection of Case --- p.16 / Chapter 1.5.2 --- The Articulation of Narratives and Discourses --- p.17 / Chapter 1.5.3 --- The Source of Narratives and Discourses --- p.18 / Chapter 1.5.4 --- The Methodological Limitations --- p.20 / Chapter 1.6 --- Potential Contributions --- p.21 / Chapter 1.6.1 --- Contributions to Academic Community --- p.21 / Chapter 1.6.2 --- Contributions to the Diplomatic Community --- p.23 / Chapter 1.7 --- Chapter Summary and the Preview of the Dissertation --- p.24 / Chapter CHAPTER 2: --- A THEORETICAL REVIEW ON EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY --- p.25 / Chapter 2.1 --- IR Theories and their Application in European Neighbourhood Policy --- p.25 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Realism and its Variation --- p.26 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Liberal Institutionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism --- p.28 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- Constructivism and its Application --- p.30 / Chapter 2.2 --- Problems of the Traditional IR Theories --- p.34 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- The Maltreatment of Bargaining Game within EU --- p.35 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- The Maltreatment of EU Polity --- p.37 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- The Maltreatment of EU Foreign Policy --- p.38 / Chapter 2.3 --- From IR ThEories to Policy-oriented Analysis --- p.40 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Enlargement Experience of the Usual Reference --- p.41 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Cross-pillar Characteristics of ENP --- p.42 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Criticisms of the Policy-oriented Approach --- p.43 / Chapter 2.4 --- Common Shortfalls of IR Theories and Policy-oriented Analysis --- p.44 / Chapter 2.5 --- Chapter Summary and Preview of Next Chapter --- p.46 / Chapter CHAPTER 3: --- THE TANGLED RELATIONS BETWEEN IDENTITIES AND INTERESTS --- p.48 / Chapter 3.1 --- The Political Context of European Union in the 21ST Century --- p.49 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- The End of Cold War --- p.49 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- The Rise of Transnational Challenges --- p.51 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- The Big-bang Enlargement in 2004 --- p.54 / Chapter 3.2 --- The Demand for a European Identity --- p.56 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- The Common Objective: the Maintenance of EU Institutional Stability --- p.57 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- The Established States: Striving for the Ownership of the Order --- p.60 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- The New Acceding States: Searching for Justification --- p.63 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- The European Commission: Pushing for the Supranational Europe --- p.65 / Chapter 3.3 --- The Supply of European Identities --- p.68 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Europe as the Christendom --- p.69 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Europe as a Disintegrated System of Nation-states --- p.70 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- Europe as the Frontier of Capitalism --- p.72 / Chapter 3.4 --- Unsatisfied Demand-Supply - The Limitations of European Identity --- p.74 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- Lacking of Shared Roots --- p.75 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- Absence of Territorial Space --- p.77 / Chapter 3.4.3 --- "Absence of the"" Others´ح" --- p.79 / Chapter 3.5 --- The Reconstruction of Post Cold War Identity --- p.81 / Chapter 3.5.1 --- The Symbolic Creation of the EU Commons --- p.82 / Chapter 3.5.2 --- The Copenhagen Criteria --- p.83 / Chapter 3.5.3 --- The EU Constitutional Project --- p.84 / Chapter 3.6 --- From Identities to Policy - Liberal-Discursive Constructivism --- p.86 / Chapter 3.6.1 --- Constructivist Understanding of European Foreign Policy --- p.86 / Chapter 3.6.2 --- Liberal Conception of European Identity Bargaining --- p.87 / Chapter 3.6.3 --- Discursive Reading of Boundary Formation --- p.92 / Chapter 3.7 --- Chapter Summary and Preview of Next Chapter --- p.98 / Chapter CHAPTER 4: --- THE CONTESTATION BETWEEN THE ACTORS - “PROXIMITY´ح --- p.99 / Chapter 4.1 --- EU Policies Prior to the Proximity Policy --- p.99 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- European Economic Area --- p.100 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- Euro-Mediterranean Partnership --- p.104 / Chapter 4.1.3 --- Partnership and Cooperation Agreements --- p.108 / Chapter 4.2 --- The Proximity Policy as the First Label --- p.110 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Proximity as the Mapping of European Space --- p.114 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Proximity as the Reflection of European Project --- p.118 / Chapter 4.3 --- Chapter Summary and Preview of Next Chapter --- p.120 / Chapter CHAPTER 5: --- THE COMMISSION-LED NARRATION - “WIDER EUROPE´ح --- p.121 / Chapter 5.1 --- Representation of “WIder Europe´ح --- p.121 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- Core Europe as the Land of Prosperity and Stability --- p.122 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- Wider Europe as an Empire of Unity in Diversity --- p.126 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- European Union as a Benevolent Normative Civilian Power --- p.129 / Chapter 5.2 --- Policy Practice in Wider Europe --- p.134 / Chapter 5.3 --- Play of Discursive Practices in Winder Europe --- p.137 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- A Freezing Relation towards the WNIS --- p.138 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- A Pseudo European Economic Area --- p.140 / Chapter 5.4 --- Chapter Summary and Preview of Next Chapter --- p.143 / Chapter CHAPTER 6: --- THE COUNCIL-LED NARRATION - “EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD´ح --- p.145 / Chapter 6.1 --- Changes in Representation in ENP --- p.146 / Chapter 6.1.1 --- From Friends to Partners/Neighbours --- p.146 / Chapter 6.1.2 --- From Friendly Neighbourhood to Problematic Neighbourhood --- p.152 / Chapter 6.1.3 --- From Responsibility to Reciprocity --- p.157 / Chapter 6.1.4 --- More Differentiation but Less Distinction --- p.163 / Chapter 6.2 --- Policy Practice in ENP --- p.167 / Chapter 6.3 --- Play of Discursive Practice in ENP --- p.171 / Chapter 6.4 --- Chapter Summary and Preview of Next Chapter --- p.174 / Chapter CHAPTER 7: --- CONCLUSION --- p.176 / Chapter 7.1 --- Summarization of the Empirical Findings --- p.176 / Chapter 7.1.1 --- European Identity in Wider Europe --- p.178 / Chapter 7.1.2 --- .European Identity in European Neighbourhood Policy --- p.181 / Chapter 7.1.3 --- The Institutional Bargaining Game --- p.183 / Chapter 7.2 --- Further Implications from the Thematic Framework --- p.187 / Chapter 7.3 --- Application of the Framework in Other Areas of European Foreign Policy --- p.188 / Chapter 7.4 --- Future Research Possibility --- p.192 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.193

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Kiel, 2001.

Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre l’Union européenne et le Conseil de l’Europe de 1948 à 2014. Liées par un objectif commun d’une union politique entre les peuples d’Europe, ces deux organisations européennes entretiennent dès leur genèse des liens où coopération et concurrence se côtoient à des degrés différents en alternance. L’objectif de cette étude est donc d’analyser la nature de ces relations, la condition et la manière dont elles se mettent en place. Elle permet ainsi de réaliser une comparaison des deux organisations autour de paramètres politique, institutionnel et matériel. Il s’agit aussi d’apporter un regard nouveau sur l’histoire de l’intégration européenne : en s’élevant au-dessus d’une analyse intrinsèque de l’histoire de l’UE, l’intégration européenne est alors appréhendée par rapport aux interactions de l’UE avec le Conseil de l’Europe. / This thesis focuses on the relationship between the European Union and the Council of Europe for the period 1948- 2014. Having as their common objective a political union among the people of Europe, these two European organisations have alternated since their creation between cooperating stance and competitiveness.Therefore, the aim of this research study is to analyse the nature of these relationships, casting light on the conditions and the way in which these were put in place. The thesis makes a structured comparison of the two organizations regarding the relevant political, institutional and material parameters. It also aims at providing a fresh look at the history of European integration: by going beyond an intrinsic analysis of the history of the EU, European integration is thus understood in relation to the interactions of the EU with the Council of Europe.

In April 2019 the European Parliament adopted its position on the so-called Mobility Package, a set of proposals for new rules for the transport sector within the European Union. Ever since the Mobility Package was first laid forward by the European Commission in 2017, it has been a contentious issue both within and outside of the European institutions and has often been framed as a conflict between “old” and “new” member states of the European Union.  This study seeks to investigate whether the voting pattern of the European Parliament on the issue of the Mobility Package was divided between old and new member states, or if the party groups of the European Parliament had a stronger influence. As such, the study can contribute to the research debate surrounding what role nationality and party group affiliation play in influencing the voting patterns of the European Parliament. The results of this study show that nationality seems to have had a stronger influence on the voting pattern than the party groups had. The level of cohesion was higher within member states than within party groups. Overall, the division between old and new member states seems to be a stronger predictor of voting behavior than the party groups as well. Still, within the groups of old and new member states, there are differences in voting patterns between different party groups, which means that party groups also seem to affect voting behavior. While this study cannot in itself explain the specific reasons behind the parliamentarians’ voting choices, hopefully, it can contribute to the aggregated knowledge of the political conflict lines facing European cooperation.