No / The Atlantic burden-sharing debate during the early part of the twenty-first century is shaping up to be very different from those of NATO's first fifty years. The resources needed for direct defence of western Europe have fallen sharply, and further cuts are possible. The gradual strengthening of European cooperation means that the EU is becoming an actor in its own right in many international regimes. Debates about which countries are pulling their weight internationally are also taking into account contributions to non-military international public goods¿financing EU enlargement, aiding the Third World, reducing emissions of climate-damaging pollutants. In this new multidimensional debate, it becomes more apparent that states that contribute more to one regime often do less than most in another. Germany, for example, is concerned about its excessive contribution to the costs of EU enlargement, but it spends considerably less than France and the UK on defence. European countries contribute three times as much as the United States to Third World aid, and will soon pay almost twice as much into the UN budget. Yet they were dependent on the US to provide most of the military forces in the 1999 Kosovo conflict, and would be even more dependent in the event of a future Gulf war. This widening of the burden-sharing debate contains both dangers and opportunities. It could lead to a fragmentation of the Atlantic dialogue, with each side talking past the other on an increasing number of issues, ranging from global warming to Balkan peacekeeping. In order to avoid such a dangerous situation, the US and European states should maintain the principle that all must make a contribution to efforts to tackle common problems, whether it be through troops in Kosovo or commitments to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Yet there should also be some flexibility in defining who does how much. The preparedness of some countries to lead, by doing more, will be essential if international cooperation is to have a chance to work.

La notion de terrorisme international relève de deux critères, l’un emprunté à des actes qui constituent l’assise de l’action terroriste, l’autre tiré de circonstances particulières, qui tiennent à une relation avec une entreprise individuelle ou collective ayant pour but de troubler gravement l’ordre public par l’intimidation ou la terreur. La communauté internationale est confrontée depuis la fin de l’effondrement de l’Union soviétique à l’internationalisation d’un mouvement radical extrémiste l’organisation wahhabite Al-Qaïda. Les attaques terroristes organisées par cette mouvance menacent aujourd’hui la sécurité mondiale. Ses actes extrémistes, criminels et terroristes visent à tuer les gens sans distinction entre les enfants et les femmes, car ils ne considèrent pas comme interdits de tels actes. La scène internationale est devenue de plus en plus menacée par l’idéologie wahhabite d’origine saoudienne à laquelle appartenaient quinze des dix-neuf kamikazes de New York et Washington. Face au problème que pose le terrorisme, les Etats ont réagi, mais chacun à sa manière, en prenant des mesures nécessaires en fonction de leur propre système juridique. Leurs objectifs sont de renforcer la répression, de faciliter le travail des enquêteurs et de rendre les jugements plus rapides. Le plus souvent, de nouvelles lois pénales ou de nouveaux textes ont été adoptés par les Parlements dans plusieurs Etats pour lutter contre ce phénomène international. Les réponses juridiques des droits nationaux restent jusqu’à présent les véritables instruments de lutte contre les actions terroristes. Elles sont l’occasion d’approfondir les réflexions sur les motivations profondes des terroristes, leurs méthodes et leurs objectifs. Elles permettent de réprimer le financement des mouvements terroristes et le blanchiment d’argent, en se basant sur les directives internationales du GAFI et du Comité Contre le terrorisme (CCT). Mots clefs en français : Lutte antiterroriste, légitime défense, agression armée, coopération européenne, menace terroriste, approches et lacunes juridiques / The notion of international terrorism is based on two criteria: one borrowed from actions that constitute the foundation of terrorist acts, the other drawn from particular circumstances coming from a relationship with an individual or collective organization whose objective is to seriously damage public security by intimidation or terror. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the international community is confronted by a radical extremist organization wahhabite Al-Qaïda. The terrorist attacks organized by this movement threaten global security today. These extremist criminal terrorist acts target civilians without distinction - women and children included - because they do not consider such acts as forbidden. The international scene has become more and more threatened today by wahhabite ideology whose Saudi origins included fifteen of the nineteen suicide-bombers responsible for the September 11, 2001 attacks on New York and Washington. Faced with the problem posed by terrorism, the international community reacted, each in their own way, by taking necessary measures that conform to their own legal system. Their objectives are to reinforce repression, facilitate the work of investigators and speed up court decisions. New penal laws or new texts have been introduced by several countries in order to confront this international phenomenon. The legal responses of national laws remain until today veritable instruments of confrontation against terrorist acts. These laws serve to deepen the understanding of terrorist motivations, their methods and their goals. By basing these laws on the international directives of the GAFI (Groupe d'Action financière) and the Committee Against Terrorism (CCT), they also serve to combat the financing of terrorist movements as well as money laundering. Keywords : anti-terrorist struggle, international law, European cooperation, extremist criminal terrorist acts

This thesis has studied short and long-term dependence structures between European stock markets. Johansen's test for cointegration and Granger's test for non-causality have been applied in order to measure the degree of financial integration in Europe. The cointegration analysis has employed a comparative perspective in which different countries with different institutional adaptation to the economic cooperation within Europe have been considered. The study finds strong support for the existence of cointegration between the Belgian, Norwegian, Swiss and British stock markets in the period after the launch of the euro. This result indicates that financial integration has increased in Europe since no cointegration was identified prior to the introduction of the euro. However, it is more difficult to determine to what extent the European financial cooperation has affected the degree of integration because of the difficulties with isolating formal treaties contribution to the stationary equilibrium. Both the EU and the euro's importance may have affected the integration process, but this thesis finds that this is not the only explanation. Thus, it is more likely that the liberalization of financial markets and the overall integration process best explain the increase in financial integration. The most significant finding is that the cointegrated stock markets in the long-term can be regarded as a regional financial market characterized by similar systematic risk factors. This has implications for both policy-makers who adjust existing policies in Europe and investors looking to allocate portfolios in an efficient manner.

La qualification de l’Union Européenne d’entité juridique supranationale fonctionnelle, nécessite l’application d’une méthodologie fondée sur deux idées principales: la première idée est celle de la supranationalité européenne; caractéristique qui met l’intégration européenne actuelle dans une phase supérieure des formes de la coopération internationale sans pour autant aboutir à l’intégration totale et la fusion complète, telle que cette forme est représentait par l’Etat fédéral, ceci nous oblige à comparer cette entité aux principales personnes internationales tels que l’Etat fédéral et les organisations internationales. La deuxième idée de notre recherche est la notion de la fonctionnalité et son application dans le cadre de la l’Union Européenne , cette idée sera rapprochée selon les théories de l’intégration européenne, tout en privilégiant la théorie néo fonctionnelle qui selon nous est la plus pertinente dans l’explication du processus d’intégration européen, après nous traitons les aspects d’application de cette idée dans le cadre de l’Union et ses différentes formes dans les fonctions et attributions qui lui sont reconnues. Ainsi que les principes et les notions qui régissent les fonctions de l’Union qui ont donné une spécificité et une originalité à cette entité. / This study analyses the qualification of the European Union as a supranational and functional entity. In order to prove the validity of this hypothesis, I applied a methodology founded on two principal ideas: the first idea is that of the European supranationality which characteristically puts current European integration in a position that is superior to other forms of international cooperation without actually achieving total integration and complete fusion, such as this form is represented by the federal State. This requires us to compare this entity to primary international players such as the federal State and international organizations. The second idea of our research is the notion of functionality and its application in the framework of the European Union. This idea will be approached according to theories of European integration, privileging the neo-functional theory, which is, in our opinion, the most relevant in explaining the process of European integration. Afterwards, we consider the factors to applying this idea to the Union framework and its different forms within the functions and allocations that are recognized by it. We also look at the principles and concepts that preside over the Union’s functions, giving it a specificity and originality.

The presented thesis is analyzing the regional cooperation in the Western Balkans (WB) focusing on interactions of local actors. Theoretical background is based on the new regionalism, a theoretical approach to regional interactions. Contemporary studies on New Regionalism (NR) actually do not consider the Western Balkans to be part of this process and as a result we lack sufficient information about the basic characteristics of this region. The author proves that the WB is engaged in the process of the new regionalism and in fact by focusing on the institutional structure he demonstrates that several parallel processes are ongoing in the region as for example regional cooperation, integration or cooperation with another region. For the purpose of this research two projects of regional cooperation were chosen, South Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP) and the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) which are regarded as the main pillars of the political cooperation in the WB. By examining their structure we may understand the relevance of the region as an independent actor and the general aims of the regional cooperation.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette thèse porte sur la mise en place de l’Espace européen de l’enseignement supérieur (EEES), initié en 1998-1999 par le processus Sorbonne-Bologne, et dont l’artisan politique -souvent dénigré dans ce rôle majeur- n’est autre que le Ministre de l’Enseignement supérieur français Claude Allègre. Qualifié de processus des plus ambitieux jamais réalisé dans le domaine de l’enseignement supérieur européen, son objectif vise à instaurer une harmonisation des diplômes européens de l’enseignement supérieur, afin de rendre comparables et compatibles les systèmes nationaux de ces Etats sur la base du LMD.Initié dans le cadre d’un processus intergouvernemental, sur une base volontariste d’Etats désireux d’intégrer cet espace européen de l’enseignement supérieur prévu pour 2010, ce processus qui a tenu à l’écart la Commission européenne, du moins un temps, rassemble plus de 47 Etats signataires aujourd’hui ; près de la moitié sont des Etats extra-communautaires.L’objectif de cette étude est d’analyser le rôle et le degré de contribution de la France, et d’acteurs français au travers de la politique française menée dans ce domaine depuis la fin des années 1960, à nos jours.Une étude de cas spécifique à la France, nous permettra de nous interroger sur la place de la France dans le processus de Bologne, en présentant un état des lieux des forces et des faiblesses de la France dans le cadre de l’application de ce processus. / France and the construction of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA), since the beginning of sixties to the present day.This thesis focuses on the implementation of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA), initiated in 1998-1999 by the Sorbonne-Bologna process, and whose policy-maker often vilified in this role-has been the French Minister of National Education, Research and Technology, Claude Allègre.Identified as one of the most ambitious process ever attempted in the field of European Higher Education, its key objective is to establish harmonized European degrees of Higher Education, in order to make the national systems of these states comparable and compatible, based on the LMD.Launched as part of an intergovernmental process on voluntary basis to countries wishing to integrate this European area of Higher Education in 2010, this process that kept out, for some time, the, the European Commission, brings together more than 47 signatory States today nearly half are non-European states.The objective of this study is to analyze the role and level of contribution of France, and French actors through French policy conducted in this area in the beginning of 1960s, until present day.A case study specific to France, will allow us to consider the place of France in the Bologna process, presenting an overview of France’s strengths and weakness in the implementation of this process.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished