The objective of this thesis is to evaluate European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy in the context of historical evolution of the CFSP. In this thesis, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy will be evaluated in three international political contexts. First period is Post World War II Period, second one is Post-Cold War Period and third one is Post September 11 Period. In the context of Post World War II period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy is shaped by the conditions of Cold War, Bipolar World and threat of Soviet expansionism towards Western Europe and characterized by the attempts such as European Defence Community, Fouchet Plan and European Political Cooperation. In the context of Post-Cold War period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by ex-Yugoslavian Conflict in early 90s which brought new security challenges such as ethnic conflicts and instability in the ex-Communist States in Central and Eastern Europe. EU&rsquo / s attempts were characterized by the CFSP which was launched by the Maastricht Treaty and the CESDP which emerged after Kosovo War with Saint Malo Declaration as defence dimension of the CFSP. In the context of Post September 11 period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by global fight against international terrorism. EU&rsquo / s attempts were characterized by adoption of European Security Strategy which accepted international terrorism, organized crime and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as key threats towards Europe and aimed at developing a coherent vision of strategic objectives, shared threat assessment for European States in order to prevent divisions among EU States in future international events. The main argument of this thesis is that in order to be an important and effective actor in global politics, EU Member States should act coherently and speak with one voice. Their influence on important international issues is greater if they act as a coherent actor rather than acting individually.

La ricerca fornisce un’indagine diacronica dell’evoluzione della cooperazione UE-NATO. Lo studio permette di andare oltre le dicotomie “formale/informale” e “stato/burocrazia” che hanno contraddistinto gli studi sulla relazione tra le due organizzazioni. Arricchendo il quadro analitico multilivello con proposizioni teoriche tratte dall'istituzionalismo storico, la ricerca considera la cooperazione formale e informale come istituzioni che si influenzano reciprocamente e dimostra come la complessa interazione tra fattori materiali, istituzionali e l’azione di attori statali e non statali influenzi la cooperazione tra le due organizzazioni. Evidenze empiriche rivelano un andamento ricorrente nel cambiamento della cooperazione formale UE-NATO, in quanto minacce alla sicurezza e integrità territoriale Europea innescano una giuntura critica che facilita una convergenza di preferenze tra gli stati che segnalano interesse per una nuova politica di cooperazione e individui nelle organizzazioni che agiscono come negoziatori. Nonostante tale processo accomuni l’accordo Berlin Plus con la Dichiarazione congiunta UE-NATO, il recente ritorno alla cooperazione formale avanza ambizioni con maggiori sfumature costruttiviste e segnala un ruolo crescente della burocrazia come policy-maker. Lo staff delle due organizzazioni ha sviluppato pratiche di cooperazione informale, che non solo hanno parzialmente compensato gli anni di stallo tra UE e NATO, ma hanno anche influenzato la finalità e il contenuto della recente ripresa della cooperazione formale tra le due organizzazioni. / The research provides a diachronic investigation of the evolution of EU-NATO cooperation. In so doing, the study allows for going past the “formal/informal” and “state/bureaucratic” dichotomies that have characterized EU-NATO studies. Combining the “multilevel framework” of analysis with theoretical insights from historical institutionalism, the research considers formal and informal cooperation as intersecting and mutually influencing institutions and reveals how the complex interplay among material, institutional factors and state and no-state actors’ agency affect inter-organizational cooperation. Our empirical findings reveal a recurring pattern of change in EU-NATO formal cooperation, as threats to European security and territorial integrity trigger a critical juncture facilitating the convergence of actors’ preferences with states showing interest in a new policy of cooperation and individuals acting as policy-brokers. Notwithstanding this commonality between the adoption of the Berlin Plus agreement and the EU-NATO Joint Declaration, the recent upsurge of formal cooperation shows more constructivist nuanced ambitions and a growing role of bureaucrats as policy-makers. Staff have displayed inter-organizational agency by developing informal practices of cooperation that did not only partially counterbalance lack of cooperation in the years of the EU-NATO stalemate, but have also shaped the ratio and content of the recent comeback to formal cooperation.

The aim of this study is to examine the extent to which the end of the Cold War led to Europeanisation in European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The analysis takes into consideration previous studies on Europeanisation and its impact on the transformation of national security and defence, and attempts to account for the development of Europeanisation and related mechanisms. These mechanisms, which were described by Radaelli as framing mechanisms and negative integration, incorporate all major relevant factors identified in the thesis (i.e., a common strategic culture, new security identity, domestic political decision-making, industrial base and defence spending decline) which contribute to the realisation of the CSDP. The relevance of these factors for CSDP Europeanisation is examined through historical and empirical analysis. Furthermore, the relationship between CSDP and NATO is also explored. This approach facilitates the analysis of the debate concerning the emergence of CSDP and throws light on the political shift that led EU leaders to support CSDP. Another aspect of this study is the empirical analysis of the dynamics and limitations of the European defence sector. The changes which took place in the European defence sector facilitated the emergence of CSDP. Hence, these changes are analysed in view of globalisation issues, economies of scale, economic crises, military autonomy, new security strategy and R&D impact.

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

The dissertation deals with the state of the relations between the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Russian Federation. The main questions to be addressed are: "Has the Russian attitude towards the OSCE changed? How has Russia dealt with the OSCE in the last years? Do the OSCE security commitments play any role in the formation of the Russian foreign policy?" To answer these questions different approaches from international relations theories have been used, but especially, those that better reflect the importance of national constrains in foreign affairs. The formation of national interests is therefore, a key element to understand and assess the evolution of the Russian foreign policy and, subsequently, the evolution of the OSCE- Russia relations. A case of study is included to show better how Russian policies upon the OSCE have evolved from a positive engagement towards scepticism about the future of Russia within the Organisation. 1

The aim of this Master's thesis is to examine the securitization discourse used to construct the security threat coming from the veteran effect of the Islamic State's foreign fighters in Europe, and to see what kind of policies were adopted to counter it so far. The phenomenon of departing European citizens, who are becoming foreign fighters in the Syrian conflict, joining the ranks of the Islamic State, and then return back to their country of origin after having acquired combat experience or other training, has become a hot topic of discussion not only for academics, but also for politicians and ordinary citizens. To precise, this thesis is working with three main case studies, whose securitization discourse and security policies are analysed. These are: European Union, United Kingdom and France. The author was interested in finding out what similarities and differences can be found between the analysed countries, plus, whether there is some pattern of influence between the European Union and its member states in this area. The author of this thesis chose to use a comparative case study as a research design. It is useful to realize a contrast of contexts and therefore to discover specifics of the analysed cases. Two tables were created in order to clarify the operationalization of the analysed...

The thesis explores the use of the term European Strategic Autonomy in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CFSP) of the European Union. The security environment around Europe has become increasingly unstable in the last 15 years. The EU Commission has tried to take account of the deteriorating geopolitical landscape by publishing an EU Global Strategy document in 2016 to share its vision for a stronger Europe. The document calls for strategic autonomy without properly defining it. Since then, many policy papers have captured the term and used it as a popular buzzword. Because it has not been properly defined on the political level, European Strategy Autonomy (ESA) was subject to speculations and national interpretations which did not help to advance the debate. Based on an extensive literature review the paper provides a comprehensive understanding by giving an historic overview and presenting different configurations of ESA in the contemporary context. A comparative case study, including France, Germany, and the Czech Republic has been conducted to assess their interpretation of the notion. The result of the case studies showed inherently different perceptions underlaid by different motivations and identifies the political layer to be the biggest challenge for moving forward with the topic....

The Czech Republic has been regarded as a little troublemaker of the EU due to its Eurosceptic stances. This phenomenon was distinct in the 2000s regardless of the state's position, whether it was just an EU candidate or already a member state. Around the time, President Vacláv Klaus and his political party (ODS), as Czech leadership, contributed to promoting the Eurosceptic governments towards the EU. It could be seen as strange that such a trait was revealed both in the midst of preparations to join the EU and after its accession when it is the proper time to present a cooperative attitude. Thus, this thesis speculates that the skeptical national identity of the Czech Republic has been constructed throughout history, particularly about 450 years from the Bohemia Kingdom to Czechoslovakia (1525~1971), and affected then Czech domestic politics to formulate the official Eurosceptic positions towards the several EU integration matters (constitutional, security, and monetary integrations). In this context, this master's thesis aims to find an objective correlation that Czech identity had an influence on then Czech Euroscepticism. This way, this thesis expects to advance knowledge concerning Czech identity and its relevance to European politics.

Through the conception of the EU as a normative power, scholars envisage moving beyond the traditional notion of power in international relations. Scholars have argued that this “new kind of political ethics” entails an expectation on political discourse to avoid antagonistic othering and for consistency between the internal and external dimensions of identity construction. By exploring the previously overlooked internal dimension of Normative Power Europe (NPE), in light of Hungary challenging the upholding of the EU’s founding values, this thesis investigates how EU representatives discursively manage differences “at home”. The discourse analysis identified a dominant pattern of antagonistic othering towards the Hungarian government, suggesting a dilemma in upholding EU values while complying with the expectation that being a “new kind of power” entails. The results further suggest that the internal dilemma has implications on the credibility of the EU as an actor in foreign policy. In studying the managing of internal differences, this thesis adds to previous NPE scholarship on how the EU, in addressing internal fallacies, could work as a “laboratory” and project credible normative power in international relations.

This master thesis deals with the topic of the European security and examines its development from the end of the Second World War. Single development stages are analyzed, with an increased attention paid to the Western European Union in the first part. Further the thesis explains the formation of the Common Foreign and Security policy, its development in particular primary documents on the EU, its major actors and tools and than the gradual emergence of the European security and defence policy. The recent EU operations are described as well. The entire thesis reflects the relations between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty. Various legal, political and practical conflicts and difficulties arising from these relations are analyzed in detail. A significant part of this thesis focuses on the national positions of the selected countries regarding the European security.