Consoantes oclusivas sonoras e nasais apresentam similaridades articulatórias. Estes grupos de fones, em algumas línguas indígenas brasileiras, são alofones de um mesmo fonema. Nesses sistemas, há alofones intermediários que apresentam contorno oral-nasal. A língua Dâw, embora descrita com fonemas distintos para as classes oclusivas e nasais, apresenta consoantes de contorno como alofones em situação muito restrita: coda seguindo vogal oral. Este trabalho tem como objetivo descrever e analisar os contextos de nasalização da língua Dâw, através da elicitação de dados originais. Foram realizados três trabalhos de campo, nos quais fizemos gravações de dados com falantes nativos. Obtivemos dados acústicos, através de gravadores digitais, e aerodinâmicos, através do equipamento EVA2 que apresenta transdutores diferenciados para a medição de fluxo de ar oral e nasal. Utilizamos o conceito de distribuição para analisar os dados obtidos, devido à ausência de pares mínimos, pois a língua é tipologicamente isolante-analítica. Corroboramos a descrição anteriormente realizada (Martins, 2004) sobre a categorização de nasais como fonemas distintos, tanto consonantais como vocálicos. Verificamos também a ocorrência de espalhamento de nasalização de aproximantes tautossilábicas a partir de vogais nasais, como descrito, e acrescentamos à descrição o processo de espalhamento para a fricativa glotal surda /h/ quando esta se encontra na mesma sílaba que uma vogal nasal. Conseguimos determinar que o ambiente prosódico de espalhamento de nasalização é a sílaba, já que esse fenômeno não ocorre entre sílabas. Analisamos também se o contorno oral de consoantes nasais poderia ser um processo de longo alcance. Entretanto, os dados demonstraram seu alcance local, também restrito à estrutura da sílaba. As consoantes nasais de contorno oral resgatam, possivelmente, um estado antigo da língua, que pode ser verificado nas línguas-irmãs Hup e Yuhup, de restrição a adjacências mistas oral e nasal. Por ocorrer somente em posição de coda, atribuímos que o contato com o português-brasileiro (PB) manteve esse alofone nesta posição, pois no PB ocorre espalhamento de nasalização regressivo, o que seria indesejável para a língua Dâw, que possui distinção fonêmica entre vogais orais e nasais. Essa dessincronização do gesto velar causa o contorno devido às similaridades articulatórias entre oclusivas sonoras e nasais. Houve, ainda, dados em que a aerodinâmica não correspondeu à percepção acústica, ou seja, escutamos uma nasalização, mas não havia fluxo de ar correspondente. Achamos que essa discrepância deve-se a alguma manobra articulatória não compreendida. Quanto aos processos analisados através do método da Fonologia Prosódica, concluímos que ambos os processos não ocorrem em constituintes prosódicos hierarquicamente superiores / Stop voiced and nasal consonants have articulatory similarities. In some indigenous Brazilian languages, these groups of phones are allophones of the same phoneme. In such systems, there are intermediary allophones that have an oral-nasal contour. Dâw language, although described with distinct phonemes for the stop and nasal classes, has contour consonants as allophones in a very restricted situation: coda after an oral vowel. This dissertation aims to describe and analyze the contexts of nasalization in Dâw language through elicitation of original data. We undertook three fieldwork studies in which we made recordings of data with native speakers. We obtained acoustic data using a digital recorder and aerodynamic data using EVA2 equipment that has separate sensitive transducers for oral and nasal airflow measurement. We used the distribution concept to analyze the data, due to the absence of minimal pairs, since the language is typologically isolating-analytic. We corroborated the previous description (Martins, 2004) on the categorization of both consonant and vowel nasals as distinct phonemes. We also noticed the occurrence of nasal spreading from approximant tautosyllabic to nasal vowels, as described, and added to the description the spreading process for the voiceless glottal fricative /h/ when it is in the same syllable as a nasal vowel. We were able to determine that the prosodic environment of the nasal spreading is the syllable, because this phenomenon does not occur between syllables. We also analyzed whether the oral contour of nasal consonants could be a long-range process. However, the data proved it to be local range, also restricted to the syllable and not the adjacency. Oral-contour nasal consonants hark back to a former state of the language, which can also be seen in its sister languages Hup and Yuhup, with the restriction of mixed oral and nasal adjacencies. As it occurs only in the coda, we attribute the fact that this allophone has maintained this position due to contact with Brazilian Portuguese (BP), because regressive nasal spreading occurs in BP, which would be undesirable for Dâw language, which has phonemic distinction between oral and nasal vowels. This desynchronization of the velar gesture causes the contour due to articulatory similarities between stop voiced and nasal consonants. There were data where the aerodynamics did not match the acoustics, i.e., we heard nasalization, but there was no corresponding nasal airflow. We believe that this discrepancy is due to some articulatory maneuver that is not understood. As regards processes analyzed by Prosodic Phonology, we concluded that both processes do not occur in hierarchically superior prosodic constituents

Consoantes oclusivas sonoras e nasais apresentam similaridades articulatórias. Estes grupos de fones, em algumas línguas indígenas brasileiras, são alofones de um mesmo fonema. Nesses sistemas, há alofones intermediários que apresentam contorno oral-nasal. A língua Dâw, embora descrita com fonemas distintos para as classes oclusivas e nasais, apresenta consoantes de contorno como alofones em situação muito restrita: coda seguindo vogal oral. Este trabalho tem como objetivo descrever e analisar os contextos de nasalização da língua Dâw, através da elicitação de dados originais. Foram realizados três trabalhos de campo, nos quais fizemos gravações de dados com falantes nativos. Obtivemos dados acústicos, através de gravadores digitais, e aerodinâmicos, através do equipamento EVA2 que apresenta transdutores diferenciados para a medição de fluxo de ar oral e nasal. Utilizamos o conceito de distribuição para analisar os dados obtidos, devido à ausência de pares mínimos, pois a língua é tipologicamente isolante-analítica. Corroboramos a descrição anteriormente realizada (Martins, 2004) sobre a categorização de nasais como fonemas distintos, tanto consonantais como vocálicos. Verificamos também a ocorrência de espalhamento de nasalização de aproximantes tautossilábicas a partir de vogais nasais, como descrito, e acrescentamos à descrição o processo de espalhamento para a fricativa glotal surda /h/ quando esta se encontra na mesma sílaba que uma vogal nasal. Conseguimos determinar que o ambiente prosódico de espalhamento de nasalização é a sílaba, já que esse fenômeno não ocorre entre sílabas. Analisamos também se o contorno oral de consoantes nasais poderia ser um processo de longo alcance. Entretanto, os dados demonstraram seu alcance local, também restrito à estrutura da sílaba. As consoantes nasais de contorno oral resgatam, possivelmente, um estado antigo da língua, que pode ser verificado nas línguas-irmãs Hup e Yuhup, de restrição a adjacências mistas oral e nasal. Por ocorrer somente em posição de coda, atribuímos que o contato com o português-brasileiro (PB) manteve esse alofone nesta posição, pois no PB ocorre espalhamento de nasalização regressivo, o que seria indesejável para a língua Dâw, que possui distinção fonêmica entre vogais orais e nasais. Essa dessincronização do gesto velar causa o contorno devido às similaridades articulatórias entre oclusivas sonoras e nasais. Houve, ainda, dados em que a aerodinâmica não correspondeu à percepção acústica, ou seja, escutamos uma nasalização, mas não havia fluxo de ar correspondente. Achamos que essa discrepância deve-se a alguma manobra articulatória não compreendida. Quanto aos processos analisados através do método da Fonologia Prosódica, concluímos que ambos os processos não ocorrem em constituintes prosódicos hierarquicamente superiores / Stop voiced and nasal consonants have articulatory similarities. In some indigenous Brazilian languages, these groups of phones are allophones of the same phoneme. In such systems, there are intermediary allophones that have an oral-nasal contour. Dâw language, although described with distinct phonemes for the stop and nasal classes, has contour consonants as allophones in a very restricted situation: coda after an oral vowel. This dissertation aims to describe and analyze the contexts of nasalization in Dâw language through elicitation of original data. We undertook three fieldwork studies in which we made recordings of data with native speakers. We obtained acoustic data using a digital recorder and aerodynamic data using EVA2 equipment that has separate sensitive transducers for oral and nasal airflow measurement. We used the distribution concept to analyze the data, due to the absence of minimal pairs, since the language is typologically isolating-analytic. We corroborated the previous description (Martins, 2004) on the categorization of both consonant and vowel nasals as distinct phonemes. We also noticed the occurrence of nasal spreading from approximant tautosyllabic to nasal vowels, as described, and added to the description the spreading process for the voiceless glottal fricative /h/ when it is in the same syllable as a nasal vowel. We were able to determine that the prosodic environment of the nasal spreading is the syllable, because this phenomenon does not occur between syllables. We also analyzed whether the oral contour of nasal consonants could be a long-range process. However, the data proved it to be local range, also restricted to the syllable and not the adjacency. Oral-contour nasal consonants hark back to a former state of the language, which can also be seen in its sister languages Hup and Yuhup, with the restriction of mixed oral and nasal adjacencies. As it occurs only in the coda, we attribute the fact that this allophone has maintained this position due to contact with Brazilian Portuguese (BP), because regressive nasal spreading occurs in BP, which would be undesirable for Dâw language, which has phonemic distinction between oral and nasal vowels. This desynchronization of the velar gesture causes the contour due to articulatory similarities between stop voiced and nasal consonants. There were data where the aerodynamics did not match the acoustics, i.e., we heard nasalization, but there was no corresponding nasal airflow. We believe that this discrepancy is due to some articulatory maneuver that is not understood. As regards processes analyzed by Prosodic Phonology, we concluded that both processes do not occur in hierarchically superior prosodic constituents

This study provides the first critical history of British developments in phonetic science from 1890 to the beginning of the Second World War. It draws on both published and unpublished documentary evidence, and on original digital analyses of contemporary images, experimental data, and sound recordings. Experimental phonetics had diverse origins embracing medicine, physics and philology. A survey of the nineteenth century background shows that by 1890 significant British contributions in all three fields could have furnished the makings of a native approach to phonetics as an experimental science, but they failed to come together for a variety of bureaucratic, professional and personal reasons. Experimental phonetics-an academic fashion as much as a scientific specialism-was instead imported from Germany and France, and it had little continuity with British antecedents. The study details the earliest British phonetics laboratories, their personnel, equipment, and research programmes, providing the first extensive account of the UCL laboratory, and bringing to light a forgotten 1930s laboratory in Newcastle. The major methods of empirical investigation of the period are scrutinised, rehabilitating long-neglected British origins. The early work of Daniel Jones is extensively re-evaluated, establishing his scientific credentials, and the career of Stephen Jones, the first academic in Britain to earn a salary as an experimental phonetician, receives detailed treatment. New light is thrown on many neglected figures, including W. A. Aikin, E. R. Edwards, John G. McKendrick, and Wilfred Perrett, while a detailed investigation of the work of Sir Richard Paget reveals the astonishing accuracy of his auditory analyses. The study concludes with an account of the career of Robert Curry, the first recognisably modern and professional speech scientist to emerge in Britain.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-11T13:49:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tatiana Belmonte dos Santos.pdf: 5249070 bytes, checksum: 08ebb80e7a574070754e5dc3ad12f112 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-01-21 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / The nasality in Portuguese is a rich topic of study in linguistic aspects. The aim of this essay is to describe the nasality in the speech of native residents of Barreirinha, in the Community of Freguesia do Andirá, located north of the city of Parintins and east of the state of Pará, 331 km from the capital of Amazonas, Manaus. Through a diachronic study of nasality from Latin to the modern Portuguese, it is possible to identify its emergence and its transformations throughout history. Some aspects of nasality in archaic Portuguese, especially the variation that existed in Lisbon-Coimbra, described by Bueno (1967), works out as an aid to understanding the phenomenon that has been registered in the Community of Andirá. This phenomenon comes from the oral sound production of vowels in phonological environments, where, for the usual conventions of Portuguese phonology, should suffer slight nasalization, for example, the vowel /a/ in the word santo. Among the other objectives of this study, we highlight the quantification of the phenomenon investigated and registered in the Community, and the set up of hypotheses that may explain its occurrence. It was used as a parameter for identification and verification of the phenomenon in question, descriptions of nasality in Phonetics and Phonology of Portuguese. This is a qualitative and quantitative study, which follows the parameters of the theory social variationist theory. Data collection was performed in the Freguesia do Andirá through an interview to 18 (eighteen) informants, being 06 (six) men and 06 (six) women, from 03 (three) different age groups, young people, adults and elderly, whom were natives and residents of the Community. The corpus included 69 (sixty-nine) words. The data were analyzed lighted by the Experimental Phonetics, using the Praat software, through which we obtained experimental tools to record the phenomenon. And yet, we followed the patterns of the variationist sociolinguistics to analyze the data in terms of the variations gender/sex, age and education level. The data analysis indicated the discovery of a variation of nasality in Barreirinha, which resembles the variation occurring in the archaic Portuguese, and also pointed to an ongoing transformation of the phenomenon, considering the analyzed sociolinguistic variables / A nasalidade na língua portuguesa é um tema de estudo rico em aspectos linguísticos. O objetivo desta dissertação é descrever a nasalidade na fala dos moradores nativos do Município de Barreirinha, na Comunidade de Freguesia do Andirá, localizada ao norte do município de Parintins e a leste do estado do Pará, a 331 km da capital do Amazonas, a cidade de Manaus. Através de um estudo diacrônico da nasalidade do latim até o português moderno, é possível identificar o seu surgimento e as suas transformações no decorrer da História. Alguns aspectos da nasalidade no português arcaico, em especial a variação que existia em Lisboa- -Coimbra, descrita por Bueno (1967), servem de auxílio para a compreensão do fenômeno registrado na Comunidade do Andirá. Este fenômeno trata-se da produção de som oral de vogais em ambientes fonológicos, onde, por convenções usuais da fonologia da língua portuguesa, deveriam sofrer leve nasalização, como, por exemplo, a vogal /a/ na palavra santo. Dentre os demais objetivos deste trabalho, destacam-se a quantificação do fenômeno registrado na Comunidade investigada e o levantamento de hipóteses que possam explicar a sua ocorrência. Foram utilizadas, como parâmetro para a identificação e constatação do fenômeno em questão, as descrições da nasalidade na Fonética e na Fonologia da língua portuguesa. Este é um trabalho quali-quantitativo, que segue os parâmetros da teoria sociovariacionista. A coleta de dados foi realizada em Freguesia do Andirá, através de entrevista a 18 (dezoito) informantes, sendo 06 (seis) homens e 06 (seis) mulheres, de 03 (três) grupos etários distintos, jovens, adultos e idosos, os quais eram nativos e moradores da Comunidade. O corpus contemplou 69 (sessenta e nove) palavras. Os dados foram analisados à luz da Fonética Experimental, com a utilização do Software Praat, através do qual obtivemos as ferramentas de registro experimental do fenômeno. E, ainda, seguimos a sociolinguística variacionista para analisar os dados nos âmbitos das variações gênero/sexo, idade e escolaridade. A análise dos dados coletados indicou a constatação de uma variação de nasalidade em Barreirinha, que se assemelha à variação ocorrente no português arcaico, e, ainda, apontou para um processo de transformação do fenômeno, considerando-se as variáveis sociolinguísticas analisadas

La evolución de Lj latina hacia el fonema /x/ del español actual ha sido descrita con gran detalle en la bibliografía especializada en diacronía. Sin embargo, en ella no se aportan razones fonéticas que permitan entender el porqué de este cambio. Por este motivo, en el presente trabajo se ha acudido a las obras de Lindblom, Ohala o Blevins (entre otros), quienes defienden que el estudio de la variación fonética sincrónica permite una extrapolación a los datos antiguos y, por lo tanto, una aproximación y posible explicación de los procesos históricos. Así pues, con el objetivo de dar cuenta tanto de las razones del cambio como de su difusión, se ha partido del análisis fonético experimental del habla y de los datos obtenidos del estudio dialectal de /l/ y /ʎ/. Los resultados obtenidos permiten comprender cómo pudo producirse la evolución que ha llevado a la aparición del fonema /x/. / There has been plenty of papers which offered a description of the historical change from Lj in Latin to /x/ in current Spanish but most of them lack an explanation of its inner reasons. As a consequence, this investigation follows the theories held by authors like Lindblom, Ohala or Blevins, who suggest that the analysis of sinchronic phonetic variation may explain the nature of diachronic sound change. In order to account for the palatalization of the lateral sound in the last stages of Latin due to the arising of the glide and its evolution to /x/, we used empirical data from experimental phonetics and from dialectal studies. The combination of both makes possible to understand that the palatalization processes are attributable to inherent driving forces of the Spanish phonological system.

It is well-known that the early assignment of prominence in sequences like THIRteen MEN vs. thirTEEN, (defined as the Rhythm Rule, or post-lexical stress shift), is an optional phenomenon. This dissertation examines some of the factors that encourage the application of stress shift in English and how it is phonetically realised. The aim is to answer two sets of questions related to why and how stress shift occurs in English: 1a) Does prosodic boundary strength influence stress shift? 1b) Does the adjacency of prominences above the level of the segmental string encourage stress shift? 2) How is stress shift realized? a) Is stress shift only a perceptual phenomenon? and b) Which syllables, if any, change acoustically when stress shift is perceived? To answer these questions, four experiments were designed. The first three experiments test whether the strength of the prosodic boundaries before and after the target word (e.g., canteen) influence stress shift. The effect of the strength of the left-edge prosodic boundary was investigated by comparing perceived stress patterns of the target (e.g., canteen) as produced in isolation where it is preceded by an utterance- and a phrase- initial prosodic boundary (the Isolated condition) with its rendition when embedded in a frame sentence (e.g., Say canteen again) where the left prosodic boundary before canteen is weaker (the Embedded condition). Results show a very clear tendency towards late phrasal prominence on the final accentable syllable (e.g., -teen in canteen) in the Embedded condition while in the Isolated condition this pattern appeared in less than half of the targets, showing that the stronger left boundary increased the incidence of stress shift. Two more experiments manipulated the strength of the boundary to the right of the target (#) respectively by changing the syntactic parse of the critical phrase (e.g. canteen cook) in sequences like (1) and by manipulating constituent length as in (2). Results showed that the syntactic manipulation significantly affected the strength of the prosodic boundary between the clashing words which was stronger in (1b) relative to (1a), and affected the incidence of stress shift, which was higher in (1a) relative to (1b). The length manipulation also affected the rate of stress shift, which was significantly higher in the phrase with the shorter word, e.g., soups (2a) relative to phrase with the longer word, e.g., supervisors (2b). (1) Example from the Syntax Experiment a. Who is the canteen (#) cook these days? (Pre-modifier + Noun) b. How do the canteen (#) cook these days? (NP + VP) (2) Example from the Length Experiment a. It should include the canteen (#) soups again. (Shorter constituent) b. It should include the canteen (#) supervisors again. (Longer constituent) Whilst we knew from the literature that the grouping of the clashing words within one Intonational Phrase (IP) encourages stress shift, results from the Syntax and Length experiments indicate that this (i.e., the phrasing of the clashing words within same IP) is not sufficient condition for the occurrence of stress shift, and that fine-grained degrees of boundary strength below the Intonational Phrase can drive changes in prominence pattern. The fact that higher rates of stress shift (and associated significant acoustic changes) were driven by manipulations of constituent length --for sequences with the same syntactic structure-- provides support for the idea that prosodic (rather than syntactic) boundaries directly influence stress shift. The fourth experiment tests the definition of stress clash in English in cases like fourteen candles where the two main lexical prominences are strictly adjacent along the time dimension, in fourteen canoes where the prominences are not adjacent in time, but adjacent at the higher levels of the metrical hierarchy, and in fourteen canteens where the main lexical prominences are not adjacent, and do not clash. This experiment highlighted and resolved an unacknowledged disagreement about what clash status sequences with one weak intervening syllable (e.g., fourTEEN caNOES). The fourTEEN caNOES type were shown to behave like metrically clashing sequences (e.g., fourteen CANdles) in attracting stress shift, and differently from the non-metrically-clashing sequences (e.g., fourteen CANTEENS) in discouraging it. These results provide empirical support for the Standard Metrical Theory (e.g. Selkirk, 1984; Nespor & Vogel, 1989) claim that 1) stress clash matters in triggering stress shift and that 2) stress clash in English is defined at the higher prosodic levels and not restricted to the level of the segmental string as indirectly assumed in a growing body of research (e.g., Vogel, Bunnel & Hoskins, 1995; Tomlinson, Liu & Fox Tree, 2014). Along with the establishment of prosodic boundary strength as one of the predictors influencing stress shift, another important contribution of the thesis is providing empirical evidence that the English Rhythm Rule is not solely a perceptual phenomenon and that it is associated with acoustic correlates. The main correlates of perceived stress shift consistently appearing across experiments is the decrease in the duration of the main lexical prominence of the target (e.g., -teen in canteen) and the increase of fundamental frequency and Sound Pressure Level peaks and on the initial syllable (e.g., canin canteen), when followed by a main clashing phrasal prominence. The acoustic analysis shows that the first accentable syllable also contributes in the perception of stress shift. This latter result does not lend support to the deletion formulation of the Rhythm Rule (Gussenhoven, 1991) which stipulates that the impressions of stress shift are solely associated with changes of prominence in the last accentable syllable of the target (e.g. -teen in canteen). Along with the determination of the acoustic correlates of perceived stress shift in English, the present research 1) indicates that fine-grained gradations of prosodic boundary strength can influence stress shift, 2) shows that while stress clash can increase the incidence of stress shift, stress shift can take place even in environments completely free of stress clash, and 3) provides evidence that stress clash should not be construed simply as the concatenation of two main lexical prominences along the time dimension.