L’accueil de la coupe du Monde 2014 et des JO 2016 à Rio de Janeiro représente la consécration d’une stratégie de construction de ville attractive qui se base sur l’organisation de méga-événements, un contexte économique favorable et une entente conjoncturelle entre les différents niveaux de gouvernement brésiliens. Cette politique néolibérale de fabrique et de gouvernance de l’espace urbain – impliquant une nouvelle reconfiguration des coalitions d’acteurs historiquement présents dans le circuit de l’accumulation urbain – se fonde sur la rénovation de la ville de Rio dans le but de l’insérer dans la compétition internationale des villes, mais aussi pour échapper, sur le plan national, à sa trajectoire de décadence sur fond de crise économique et politique (qui débuta dans les années 1970-1980). Dans les discours officiels, les transformations urbaines à l’œuvre répondent aux besoins de la « ville olympique » tout en provoquant des impacts positifs pour les habitants de la ville (et par conséquent pour ceux de la région métropolitaine). Dans ce contexte, les investissements en infrastructures de mobilité sont les plus importants, en termes de montants investis et d’impacts sur l’espace urbain, amenant les pouvoirs publics à parler d’une « révolution des transports » capable de résoudre la crise de la mobilité qui aggrave les processus de ségrégation et d’exclusion urbaine. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’évaluer, à travers une analyse multi-scalaire, c’est-à-dire les échelles métropolitaine, municipale et intra-municipales), les impacts différenciés des projets de transport sur la justice socio-spatiale à Rio de Janeiro. Outre une mise en perspective des différents projets et composantes de la « révolution des transports » et de leurs effets sur les dynamiques urbaines, il s’agit d’appliquer différents critères de justice à l’analyse géographique pour proposer une évaluation complexe des impacts des projets de transport, qu’ils portent sur la satisfaction de la demande en termes de capacité et de qualité, ou sur des externalités dépassant ceux de la mobilité (expropriations d’habitants, spéculation immobilière, etc.). La méthodologie qualitative (observation de terrain et entretiens semi-directifs) combinée à cette grille de lecture multicritère de la justice permet de d’appréhender les effets à différentes échelles, de repérer les divers groupes d’acteurs en conflit dans ce contexte de ville attractive et d’identifier quels sont les gagnants et les perdants de cette stratégie urbaine. Finalement, les impacts de la « révolution des transports » provoquent des changements qui n’impliquent pas de rupture réelle, ni avec le modèle routier de mobilité ni avec les logiques de ségrégation de la ville néolibérale. Tout changer pour que rien ne change ? / Rio de Janeiro’s hosting of the World Cup 2014 and the Olympics Games 2016, is the consecration of the "attractive city" strategy, which is based on the triplet organization of mega-events, dynamic economic context and circumstantial alignment between the three levels of Government. This neoliberal policy and governance related to the construction of the urban space implies a reconfiguration of coalitions of historical actors present in the circuit of urban accumulation. Rio’s urban renewal aims to link this city to the global circuit of cities competition, but also to evade from its path of economic and political decay, which began in the 1980s. In official statements, the ongoing urban transformations meet the requirements of the "Olympic city" and generate positive impacts for local and metropolitan inhabitants. In this context, investments in mobility infrastructure are the most meaningful, both in financial and impacts on urban space terms. This leads the government rhetoric of a "transport revolution", able to solve the urban mobility city crisis, clearly attached to processes of urban segregation and exclusion. The object of this thesis is to evaluate, through a multiscale analysis, which includes metropolitan, municipal and intra-urban dimensions, the various impacts of transportation projects on social and spatial justice in Rio de Janeiro. Then, based on justice theories applied to Geography, a multicriteria analytic model of justice is constructed, to assess the impact of transportation projects on terms of demand satisfaction and the effects on other processes such as expropriations and land speculation. The qualitative methodology (semi-structured interviews and field observation), along with the multicriteria framework of justice, allowed the identification of the various groups of conflicting actors in the constitution of the "attractive city" and, among them, those who "win" and those who "lose". The results indicate that the impact of the "transport revolution" in Rio de Janeiro, for the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympic Games, causes shifts that tear down neither the Brazilian road mobility model, nor the neoliberal’s city segregation rationale. Change everything in order to nothing change?

<p>In this full thesis, I explore the impact that HIV and AIDS pandemic is having in the livelihood strategies of rural women in Mozambique. My intention in this work is to highlight the navigation of Mozambican women through this harsh era. I establish a discussion about land as major asset in a poor and mainly agricultural country like Mozambique. And the fact that many scholars and policy makers are concerned about the escalating number of young widows that have had their land and other assets expropriated after the deaths of their husbands, mainly due to the HIV and AIDS pandemic. The convergence of the colonization process, the civil war (that took over 16 years in Mozambique) and the modernization/development process have been systematically trapping women in the interface between traditional and modern social organization. Now, with the spread of HIV and AIDS, young women and children whose only source of subsistence is their land have been losing their traditional rights, and they face the cultural changes brought about by a new social order that does not support them and their children after the death of a husband or father.</p>

<p>In this full thesis, I explore the impact that HIV and AIDS pandemic is having in the livelihood strategies of rural women in Mozambique. My intention in this work is to highlight the navigation of Mozambican women through this harsh era. I establish a discussion about land as major asset in a poor and mainly agricultural country like Mozambique. And the fact that many scholars and policy makers are concerned about the escalating number of young widows that have had their land and other assets expropriated after the deaths of their husbands, mainly due to the HIV and AIDS pandemic. The convergence of the colonization process, the civil war (that took over 16 years in Mozambique) and the modernization/development process have been systematically trapping women in the interface between traditional and modern social organization. Now, with the spread of HIV and AIDS, young women and children whose only source of subsistence is their land have been losing their traditional rights, and they face the cultural changes brought about by a new social order that does not support them and their children after the death of a husband or father.</p>

Masters of Art / In this full thesis, I explore the impact that HIV and AIDS pandemic is having in the livelihood strategies of rural women in Mozambique. My intention in this work is to highlight the navigation of Mozambican women through this harsh era. I establish a discussion about land as major asset in a poor and mainly agricultural country like Mozambique. And the fact that many scholars and policy makers are concerned about the escalating number of young widows that have had their land and other assets expropriated after the deaths of their husbands, mainly due to the HIV and AIDS pandemic. The convergence of the colonization process, the civil war (that took over 16 years in Mozambique) and the modernization/development process have been systematically trapping women in the interface between traditional and modern social organization. Now, with the spread of HIV and AIDS, young women and children whose only source of subsistence is their land have been losing their traditional rights, and they face the cultural changes brought about by a new social order that does not support them and their children after the death of a husband or father. / South Africa

Au moment de sa création, en 1959, la Commission de la capitale nationale (CCN) a pour but d’intégrer les villes de Hull et d’Ottawa, cette union devant symboliser, plus largement, celle des deux peuples fondateurs du Canada. Or, ce projet a provoqué d’importants débats politiques à Hull au fil des années. En se voyant ainsi intégrée à la région de la capitale nationale (RCN), Hull perdait une partie de son autonomie. Cette thèse propose une étude de la CCN pendant la rénovation urbaine de l’Île de Hull des années 1960 et 1970 afin d’y cerner le rôle joué par le débat sur la question nationale. Il s’agit d’un élément moteur de l’action de la CCN. En fait, la question nationale se trouve à plusieurs niveaux de la problématique. Ce sujet peu exploré donne à cette recherche son originalité. En examinant les relations entre les acteurs de la revitalisation du centre-ville, soit la CCN, le conseil municipal de Hull, les regroupements citoyens et le gouvernement du Québec, la thèse opte pour une perspective à la fois politique, institutionnelle et sociale. Un jeu de pouvoir entre les paliers gouvernementaux prend place alors que Hull et Ottawa se disputent les investissements fédéraux. Les citoyens de l’Île de Hull s’engagent dans les assemblées citoyennes et y développent une conscience régionale qui tardait à s’affirmer.

Submitted by Mario Mesquita (mbarroso@fiocruz.br) on 2014-10-17T18:21:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Zilma Catarina Libania da Fonseca.pdf: 1514933 bytes, checksum: 004bf7ceaa7070f2198e74d076ceddef (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Mario Mesquita (mbarroso@fiocruz.br) on 2014-10-17T18:23:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Zilma Catarina Libania da Fonseca.pdf: 1514933 bytes, checksum: 004bf7ceaa7070f2198e74d076ceddef (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-17T18:23:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zilma Catarina Libania da Fonseca.pdf: 1514933 bytes, checksum: 004bf7ceaa7070f2198e74d076ceddef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Escola Politécnica de Saúde Joaquim Venâncio. Vice Direção de Pesquisa / As tecnologias não são neutras, são construídas socialmente num determinado momento histórico e surgem e se desenvolvem em enredadas relações sociais. Como qualquer construção social, são perpassadas por interesses sociais diferentes, divergentes e, mesmo, antagônicos. Nesse sentido, todas as tecnologias são sociais. É o caso, então, de se perguntar: de que se trata, exatamente, quando se fala em “tecnologia social”? quais são as implicações políticas de um movimento denominado “Movimento da Tecnologia Social”? Neste trabalho, tendo como método de investigação o materialismo histórico-dialético, analisamos as principais expressões da Tecnologia Social no Brasil com o objetivo de discernir os elementos teóricos e ético-políticos que poderiam contribuir ou dificultar as práticas de resistência e luta da classe trabalhadora. Para tanto, mapeamos e discutimos a construção do conceito de tecnologia social, o debate político que se trava nesse campo, a atuação do aparato estatal e sua imbricação com as organizações da sociedade civil. Circulam no campo das tecnologias sociais conceitos diferentes e idéias divergentes, porém não antagônicas, visto que estão sustentadas pelo pressuposto teórico da exclusão social e convergem ao atribuir às tecnologias sociais importante papel na inclusão social. O aprofundamento teórico sobre o binômio exclusão-inclusão social tornou-se o ponto nevrálgico desse estudo. Problematizamos o estatuto teórico e o uso do termo exclusão social, questionamos a abordagem dualista implícita no binômio e abordamos os desdobramentos e os sentidos das pseudo-soluções das políticas inclusivas. Aprofundamos a discussão refletindo sobre a centralidade do trabalho e sobre a constituição do exército de reserva na contemporaneidade. Recusamos o uso do termo exclusão social e seu desdobramento implícito de inclusão social e apontamos o conceito de “expropriações secundárias” como instrumento teoricamente apropriado, capaz de contribuir para a compreensão das tecnologias sociais, enquanto processo político direcionado para a inclusão social, sustentado por uma disponibilização cada vez maior da força de trabalho. / Technologies are not neutral, since they are socially built in a given historical moment, emerged and developed from social relations. Like any other social construction, technologies are pervaded by different, diverging and even conflicting social interests. In this sense, all technologies are socially defined. Therefore, it raises some questions: what exactly means the use of the term “social technology”? What are the political implications of a so called “Social Technology Movement”? From the use of the historical-dialectical materialism as our investigation method, we aim to analyze here in this study the main expressions of Social Technology in Brazil in order to make a clear distinction between the theorical and ethical-political elements that could account for or complicate the working-class practices of resistance and struggle. In order to accomplish this, we mapped out and argued about the Social Technology concept construction, the political debate conducted on this matter, the role of government apparatus and its interlinks with civil society’s organizations. There are different concepts and diverging, but not conflicting, ideas in the field of the social technologies, since they are supported by the theorical assumption of social exclusion and as well, they converge in order to assign the social technologies a relevant role in social inclusion. The theorical deepening that supports the exclusion-inclusion binomium has become the sore point of this study. We have discussed the theorical status and the use of the term “social exclusion”; we have argued the dualistic approach implied by the binomium; and we also have tackled the inclusive politics pseudo-solutions ramifications and meanings. We have deepened into the debate reflecting over the central role of work and the contemporary constitution of the army reserve. We have refused the use of the term “social exclusion” and its implied ramification as a social inclusion matter. We have pointed out the “secondary expropriations” concept as a proper theorical instrument, capable of contributing for the understanding of social technologies as a set of social inclusion-oriented political processes, supported by an ever-increasing workforce supply.

Au moment de sa création, en 1959, la Commission de la capitale nationale (CCN) a pour but d’intégrer les villes de Hull et d’Ottawa, cette union devant symboliser, plus largement, celle des deux peuples fondateurs du Canada. Or, ce projet a provoqué d’importants débats politiques à Hull au fil des années. En se voyant ainsi intégrée à la région de la capitale nationale (RCN), Hull perdait une partie de son autonomie. Cette thèse propose une étude de la CCN pendant la rénovation urbaine de l’Île de Hull des années 1960 et 1970 afin d’y cerner le rôle joué par le débat sur la question nationale. Il s’agit d’un élément moteur de l’action de la CCN. En fait, la question nationale se trouve à plusieurs niveaux de la problématique. Ce sujet peu exploré donne à cette recherche son originalité. En examinant les relations entre les acteurs de la revitalisation du centre-ville, soit la CCN, le conseil municipal de Hull, les regroupements citoyens et le gouvernement du Québec, la thèse opte pour une perspective à la fois politique, institutionnelle et sociale. Un jeu de pouvoir entre les paliers gouvernementaux prend place alors que Hull et Ottawa se disputent les investissements fédéraux. Les citoyens de l’Île de Hull s’engagent dans les assemblées citoyennes et y développent une conscience régionale qui tardait à s’affirmer.

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