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Den här studien har haft sin utgångspunkt i historieläroböcker för gymnasiet. Läroböcker används i stor utsträckning i undervisningssammanhang. Enligt styrdokumenten ska alla läroböcker förmedla demokratiska värden, vilket är ett av skolans centrala uppdrag. För att lyckas med det här krävs också att en ökad förståelse för vad odemokratiska värden innebär. Syftet med den här studien var att undersöka hur väl historieläroböcker behandlar dylika värden. För att uppfylla syftet har utgångspunkten varit två frågeställningar: Hur stort utrymme får den italienska fascismen i historieläroböckerna för gymnasiet? Hur skildras den italienska fascismen i läroböckerna? Två metoder, varav en kvantitativ och en kvalitativ har använts för att besvara frågeställningarna. Den kvantitativa metoden har använts för att mäta antal sidor som den italienska fascismen tilldelas i läroböckerna, medan den kvalitativa metoden har tillämpats för att ta reda på hur ideologin skildras. Resultaten har visat att den italienska fascismen fått ett litet och i det närmare oförändrat utrymme över tid. De visar också att styckena över tid, har gått från att vara mer utförliga och förklarande till svepande och otydliga. Slutsatsen av resultaten blev att de nya läroböckerna i större utsträckning än de äldre misslyckas med att förmedla kunskap om fascismens odemokratiska värden, för att läsaren ska kunna förstå det i motsats till demokratin.

The aim of this thesis is to deepen the scientific processing of Czech fascism, especially its press and propaganda activities. The author focused on the prints of Czech fascists from the period of the Great Depression 1929-1935, mainly on the application of linguistic discourse and fascist ideology into the Czechoslovak environment. The work uncovers the personal and financial secure of fascist press. The author compared presentation of economic crisis in the press of Czech fascist and Sudeten German national socialism. Both movements used the crisis to anti-democratic rhetoric and also used comparable propaganda techniques, but their interpretaion of the crisis was diametrically different. The final part is devoted to covert propaganda in literary genres that fascist press presented as a fun and relaxing literature. Roles of these texts were represent fascist program, provide patterns of behaviour and promote ideology of Czech fascism.

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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Rijksuniversiteit te Utrecht, 1979). / Summary in German. Includes bibliographical references (p. 144-147) and index.

Thesis (doctoral)--Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-Universität zu Frankfurt am Main, 1982. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 246-250).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 551-588). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

This essay offers an intellectual history of the feud between the Frankfurt School philosophers Erich Fromm and Herbert Marcuse. In the competitive space of their debate, both thinkers attempted to redefine the spiritual experience and practice of love in a modern society. While a criterion for both Fromm and Marcuse was that love must be politically and historically radical, their different visions of that historical radicalism - exemplified in their 1955 debate in Dissent, and the two texts published immediately after their debate, Marcuse’s Eros and Civilization (1955) and Fromm’s The Art of Loving - parted ways at the idea of perversion. Perversion became a central procedure in Marcuse’s praxis of a real “outlawed” love that could negate modernity’s excessive sociability of guilt. For Fromm, perversion remained a “spiritual” form of regression away from love and maturity that he likened to violence. In both instances, the memory of German fascism was key to the (un)productive mistranslation of their ideas on love and perversion. / text

The purpose of this study was to examine the political economic and social events that gave birth to a so-called fascist movement in Ireland during the early nineteen thirties. The study also attempted to explain the reasons for the failure of the movement. The members were called the "Blueshirts" and although they were significant in the political arena for only a few years there has never been a satisfactory explanation for their impact. Was it truly a fascist movement with the sinister potential of its sister political organizations on the continent? Or was it simply a short-lived reaction to what was called "the repressive policies" of the newly elected Fianna Fail government in 1932? Was their leader, General Eoin O'Duffy, attempting to overthrow parliamentary government? Or was he simply trying to solve the economic problems of Ireland that were the result of the world depression and the Anglo-Irish Economic War? Which, if either, was the explanation for Blueshirtism? In an attempt to answer these questions this writer began by putting the story in historical perspective.

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