Zugl.: Berlin, Humboldt-Universiẗat, Diss., 2007.

The FBI is the most recognized law enforcement entity in the world. During its nearly 100-year history, the Bureau has been involved in many controversies, most as a result of straying from its stated mission to investigate violations of federal law. This survey is based on personal papers of the former head of the Richmond Bureau, John Edward Lawler. Fortunately for historians, these files, many of which exist nowhere else in the agency's archives, open a window into the operational methods and investigative techniques of FBI agents. An examination of John Lawler's career provides insight into the conduct of field agents and Agents in Charge of field bureaus during the 1940s.

Since September 11, 2001, money and resources have been allocated at unprecedented levels in order to prevent future attacks on the United States. In the interest of preventing a similar type of incident, counterterrorism initiatives were funded using public funds with little or no oversight as to measuring the effectiveness of these programs. The purpose of this quantitative study was to determine if there was a statistically significant difference in the dependent variable - the level of awareness of participants (the ability to identify terrorism threats) who attended counterterrorism training that was solely lecture based and one that combined both lecture and demonstration. Three theoretical frameworks provided the foundation for this study: The organizational knowledge creation theory, adult learning theory and the experiential learning theory. The Solomon four-group design was employed using 412 test subjects who attended the Federal Bureau of Investigation's National Improvised Explosives Familiarization/Chemical Industry Outreach Workshop . The results of a factorial ANOVA revealed no statistically significant difference in posttest scores between the inexpensive lecture and the more expensive lecture and demonstrations methodologies; however, the results from the paired t test with a p < .001 did demonstrate cost-effectiveness with an average increase of 14 points in the level of awareness from pre- to posttest. The positive social change implications stemming from this study include recommendations to identify objective measures for program effectiveness in all government programs in compliance with the Administrative Procedures Act of 1981. If followed such actions would demonstrate good governance and are likely to increase the public's trust.

The Red Scare of 1919-1920 has been presented as a wave of anti-Radical hysteria that swept post WWI America; a hysteria to which the state reluctantly capitulated to by arresting Radicals and deporting those alien Radicals they deemed most threatening. This presentation, however, is ludicrous when the motivations of the state and its conservative allies are examined. The truth of the matter was that almost all of the people targeted by the Red Scare represented no significant threat to the institutions of the United States and were merely targeted for holding Leftwing ideas, or being connected to a group that did. This work examines how the Red Scare deportations were used as a performance to gain power and funding for the Bureau of Investigation and how the Bureau sought to use this performance to set itself up as the premier anti-Radical agency in the United States. While the topic of the Red Scare of 1919-1920 has been thoroughly covered, most works on the subject attempt to cover the whole affair or even address it as part of a larger study of political repression in the United States. In these accounts these authors do not see the Red Scare as a performance, which culminated in the Soviet Ark deportations, put on by the BI in order to fulfill its goal of expanding its own importance. This work addresses the events leading up to climactic sailing of the Soviet Ark, as political theater put on by the BI and its allies in order to impress policy makers and other conservative interest groups. Since the Soviet Ark deportations were the climax of the Red Scare performance, this work addresses the event as a theatrical production and follows a three act dramatic structure. It begins by exploring the cast of characters, both individuals and organizations, in the BI’s performance. This is followed by an analysis of the rising action of the BI, and other reactionary iii groups in the evolution of their grand performance. Finally the deportations serve as the climax of the Red Scare in this performance that the BI and its allies would use to justify an expansion of their influence. Through the use of government records, biographies, and first hand accounts, this work explores the Soviet Ark deportations as the high point of the first Red Scare, the point in which the BI and its allies took their quest for expanded power the furthest before having to change course. The grand performance that the Bureau of Investigation put on is looked at, not as a response to placate others – something the BI was merely swept up in – but as a performance that they designed to meet the specific needs of their campaign to grow their agency, a performance for which they were willing to draft those that represented no real threat despite the consequences to those individuals.

No description available.

COINTELPRO was a formidable and extremely controversial counterintelligence program conducted by the FBI from 1956 to 1971. Its exposure showcased the covert methods in which the FBI targeted US citizens it identified as threats to the internal and domestic security of the United States. Since the program's end, the FBI continues to explore and identify the current and potential threats to the United States. However, what exactly does this program say about the FBI at the time of its inception and what does it say about how it had classified threats? And what could it tell us about how it classifies threats today? This study examines how the FBI treated two identified targets of COINTELPRO, "black extremists" and "white hate groups", and whether the differences found between the treatment of the two targets as threats was a result of internal or external institutional factors. In conducting such study, I seek to determine if the factors that influence the Bureau's threat classification may have either been internal, a result of the Directors' influence or the influence of the organization's structure, culture, and/or function, or external, a result of the President's or Congress' influence. I hypothesize that the differing treatment of these targets, where "black extremists" were identified and prioritized as more of a threat than "white hate groups", was a result of internal institutional factors within the Bureau. Within this study, I examine reports and memos from the FBI database, the Vault, from 1968, to best determine which hypothesis is more accurate. / Master of Arts / COINTELPRO was a domestic counterintelligence conducted by the FBI from 1956 to 1971 that targeted American citizens deemed to be a threat to the internal security of the U.S. that were engaging in, in what the Bureau identified as, subversive activity. This program was controversial as it targeted American citizens using covert methods without the knowledge of the President, Congress, and the American public. Since the program's end, the FBI continues to identify and address domestic threats facing the United States today. However, what can this program tell us about how the FBI identified and classified threats during this time? And what can this tell us about how it addresses threats today? This study seeks to understand how the FBI treated two groups within COINTELPRO, "black extremists" and "white hate groups" and what factors may have influenced the treatment of these targets. In conducting such study, I seek to determine if the factors that influence the Bureau's threat classification may have either been internal, a result of the Directors' influence or the influence of the organization's structure, culture, and/or function, or external, a result of the President's or Congress' influence. I propose these two hypotheses and suggest that it is more likely that internal factors shaped the Bureau's threat classification and differing treatment of these groups. Within this study, I examine reports and memos from the FBI database, the Vault, from 1968 to determine which hypothesis is more accurate.

No description available.

This study examines the ways early leaders can influence the process of institutionalization in public organizations. Using Schein's (1983, 1991) model of cultural creation and embedding as a heuristic device, secondary historical sources detailing the creation and development of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the careers of three significant leaders are used to understand the institutionalizing effects of those leaders, how they created those effects, and what happened to those effects over time. The case studies of William Donovan and Allen Dulles at CIA and J. Edgar Hoover at the FBI, provide evidence that these early leaders explicitly and implicitly used several of the cultural creation and embedding mechanisms identified by Schein to entrench their beliefs and predispositions into their organizations. These ensconced attitudes and tendencies seemingly played significant roles in the institutionalization of beliefs, rules, and roles that have developed, persisted, and affected the historical evolution of both CIA and the FBI. / Ph. D.

Este trabalho analisa documentos restritos e secretos do Departamento de Estado norte-americano, principalmente os Relatórios Mensais do Trabalho, relatórios do FBI, da CIA e do Departamento do Trabalho dos Estados Unidos, e procura descrever a ação dos Adidos Trabalhistas Americanos e Ingleses no Brasil, no período de 1943 a 1952, como elementos-chave na política externa dos Estados Unidos, direcionada à possível intervenção em assuntos internos brasileiros. O presente estudo destaca, igualmente, a tarefa de líderes sindicais norte-americanos, ligados à Federação Americana do Trabalho e ao Departamento de Estado - em visita ao Brasil no período descrito -, no intento de obter a cooptação de líderes sindicais brasileiros para a associação na formação de uma grande Central Sindical Mundial, cujo intuito era o controle do movimento operário do Brasil e de outros países sob sua influência. Acrescenta-se a esta tese a análise do papel desempenhado por autoridades brasileiras e suas participações dentro do projeto do Departamento de Estado, ou seja, de interferência norte-americana em nossos assuntos internos. / This work is based on the analysis of restricted and secret documents from the State Department of the United States, mainly the Monthly Labor Reports , Reports from FBI, CIA and from the Labor Department of the United States. This study tries to describe the action of the American and British Labor Attachés in Brazil, from 1943 to 1952, as a key element in the American foreign policy towards the possible interference in the internal affairs of Brazil. At the same time this study highlights the work of the labors leaders of the American Federation when they visited Brazil, in that period, to convice the Brazilian Labor leaders to join a World Federation of Labor, whose intention was to control the Brazilian Labor Movement. This study also analyses the roll of the Brasilian authorities and their participation in this State Department Project, which meant interference in the internal Affairs of Brazil

Este trabalho analisa documentos restritos e secretos do Departamento de Estado norte-americano, principalmente os Relatórios Mensais do Trabalho, relatórios do FBI, da CIA e do Departamento do Trabalho dos Estados Unidos, e procura descrever a ação dos Adidos Trabalhistas Americanos e Ingleses no Brasil, no período de 1943 a 1952, como elementos-chave na política externa dos Estados Unidos, direcionada à possível intervenção em assuntos internos brasileiros. O presente estudo destaca, igualmente, a tarefa de líderes sindicais norte-americanos, ligados à Federação Americana do Trabalho e ao Departamento de Estado - em visita ao Brasil no período descrito -, no intento de obter a cooptação de líderes sindicais brasileiros para a associação na formação de uma grande Central Sindical Mundial, cujo intuito era o controle do movimento operário do Brasil e de outros países sob sua influência. Acrescenta-se a esta tese a análise do papel desempenhado por autoridades brasileiras e suas participações dentro do projeto do Departamento de Estado, ou seja, de interferência norte-americana em nossos assuntos internos. / This work is based on the analysis of restricted and secret documents from the State Department of the United States, mainly the Monthly Labor Reports , Reports from FBI, CIA and from the Labor Department of the United States. This study tries to describe the action of the American and British Labor Attachés in Brazil, from 1943 to 1952, as a key element in the American foreign policy towards the possible interference in the internal affairs of Brazil. At the same time this study highlights the work of the labors leaders of the American Federation when they visited Brazil, in that period, to convice the Brazilian Labor leaders to join a World Federation of Labor, whose intention was to control the Brazilian Labor Movement. This study also analyses the roll of the Brasilian authorities and their participation in this State Department Project, which meant interference in the internal Affairs of Brazil