In the past two decades the growth of the offshore oil and gas industry of Western Australia has resulted in an increased number of families experiencing the intermittent absence of a partner/parent. The gendered nature of the offshore oil and gas industry means workers tend to be male and the partner left at home tends to be female. This was the case for the participants in this study. For two/three weeks the family experience the absence of the male 'breadwinner', creating a gap within the family as the women and children experiences the loss of the partner/parent. Two/three weeks later the male worker returns home for his rest period and he reengages in his roles and the family is reunited. When the worker is absent the partner at home takes on the worker's gendered roles, tasks and responsibilities; upon his return she surrenders (sometimes willingly) his gendered roles, tasks and responsibilities. Solheim (1988) state families of offshore oil and gas workers experience three social realities; his life at work, her 'single' life when he is at work, and their couple life when the worker arrives home. The families can develop a range of methods to adjust to the flux that occurs within families due to the work schedule (Forsyth and Gramling 1989). The repeated cyclical patterns of parting and reunion, weaving and balancing their three lives, and renegotiation of family work contribute to the stressors and strains the partners of offshore workers experience. This study investigated how the offshore lifestyle impacts the at home partner of offshore workers and in addition, how at home partners use their social networks as means to help adapt to the offshore work schedule, and makes two major findings. Firstly, the at home partners of offshore workers participate in exchanging, at various levels, social support with family, friends and neighbours, although the most important form of support which helps the at home partner adapt to the offshore lifestyle is the support they receive from the offshore worker. Secondly, adapting to the offshore lifestyle is highly influenced by a process consisting of four reactions. The reactions are: the beginning; normalising his presence; normalising his absence; and balancing two lives. The identification of the four reactions can provide a greater understanding of how the offshore oil and gas industry impacts on the daily lives of partners of offshore workers as it helps make visible the day-to-day lives of partners of offshore oil and gas workers.

À l'ère de la mondialisation, où la matrice capitaliste continue de dominer, la classification dans les groupes se définit encore en termes de classes, de genres et d'ethnicité. Les transformations causées par la mondialisation actuelle entraînent de nouveaux modes de production, qui à leur tour transforment les modes de définition et de régulation des populations. Le projet d'exploitation du Nord du Québec est un phénomène relativement récent; or, le processus de construction d'une classe sociale n'est pas un phénomène nouveau. La formation des classes sociales étant toujours en évolution, il semble aujourd'hui pertinent de réexaminer les facteurs économiques, sociologiques et historiques des caractéristiques théoriques nécessaires à la construction et à la représentation d'une classe sociale dont l'existence est liée à l'exploitation accrue des richesses naturelles, la classe ouvrière du Nord du Québec.

 À Fermont, dans le Nord du Québec, les compagnies minières emploient depuis 2011 une grande quantité de travailleurs québécois provenant de l'extérieur de la région, des travailleurs permanents non- résidents. Ainsi, la structure sociale construite sur la force de travailleurs locaux est aux prises avec de nouvelles dynamiques de mobilité sociale géographique. Au travail, les femmes et les autochtones sont aussi affectés par les relations des systèmes de pouvoir de la vie quotidienne, car les emplois de l'industrie minière et du domaine de la construction sont socialement et historiquement fondés sur des capitaux sociaux et culturels (blanc et homme). La classe ouvrière du Nord du Québec est redéfinit par son rapport à la migration géographique des travailleurs permanents non- résidents, par ses relations avec les minorités de genre et les minorités autochtones, relations qui engendrent une organisation sociale complexe et hétérogène. / In an increasingly globalized world, where the capitalist model is ubiquitous, the central question in the attempt at group classification concerns the link between the commercialization of a work force and the social stratification of the population in terms of class, gender, and ethnicity. The growing demands of globalization lead to new and innovative modes of production, which in turn transform the dynamics involved in defining and regulating populations. In current national affairs in Canada, this is best exemplified in the debate over the exploitation of Quebec's northern resources. The project to exploit Quebec's northern riches is a relatively recent phenomenon; the process whereby a social class is formed, however, is not. Given the vicissitudes of this process, it seems pertinent to reexamine the economic, sociological and historical elements which influenced the theoretical discourse on a social class whose existence is intrinsically linked with the exploitation of natural resources, namely the workers of northern Quebec. In Fermont, a town located in northern Quebec, mining companies have employed since 2011 a large number of workers coming from other regions of Quebec, known as permanent non-residents. Thus, the balance of the social structure maintained by the local workers is faced with new dynamics of social geographic mobility. In the workplace, women and Native Americans are also affected by the power relations at the interpersonal level in daily life owing to the fact that the jobs in the industrial mining sector and in construction are socially and historically founded on specific social and cultural traits (namely, white and male). The working class of northern Quebec is therefore redefined in its relationships to the permanent non-resident workers as well to its gender and indigenous minorities, relationships which will doubtless engender a complex and heterogeneous social structure.

The Western Australian (WA) mining industry directly employs approximately 56,000 people. Almost half work Fly-in/Fly-out commute arrangements (FIFO, e.g. employees living in a city are flown to a remote worksite where they live and work during their work roster) and approximately half work more than 50 hours per week, on average. There are many anecdotal claims that FIFO has negative impacts on WA mining employees, leading to an elevated risk of high stress levels, depression, binge drinking, recreational drug use and relationship break-ups. Previous studies found FIFO can be stressful, and have negative impacts on WA employees 'and partners' lifestyles and relationships. This project investigated the long-term (Study One) and short-term (Study Two) impacts of FIFO and extended working hours on a representative sample of WA FIFO mining employees and partners. In Study One, a total of 222 FIFO and Daily Commute (DC) mining employees and partners completed an anonymous questionnaire investigating long-term impacts on work satisfaction, lifestyle, relationships and health. A subgroup of 32 Study One FIFO employees and partners also participated in Study Two; a detailed study of the short-term impacts of FIFO and extended working hours and how these impacts fluctuate in intensity during the mining roster. Study Two participants completed a diary and provided saliva samples each day throughout a complete mining roster. The main findings of the study were that FIFO and extended working hours had negative impacts on employees work satisfaction and FIFO was frequently reported to be disruptive to employees 'and partners' lifestyle, in the long-term. However, FIFO and extended working hours did not lead to poor quality relationships, high stress levels or poor health, on average in the long-term; there were generally no significant differences in these characteristics between FIFO and DC employees, or between the FIFO sample and the wider community. There were minor differences between FIFO and DC employees in long-term health characteristics, and Study One employees had similar, or in some cases poorer health outcomes than other community samples.