An extensive review of research and policy literature revealed that links are made between: going missing and forced marriage; going missing and child sexual exploitation; and forced marriage and child sexual exploitation. However, despite these overlaps, no links are made between all three issues. Given that some South Asian young women will run away from home in order to avoid being forced into marriage and that young people who run away or go missing from home are at risk of, or abused, through child sexual exploitation a research proposition was developed on the basis that a three way link was theoretically possible. A case study methodology was developed to test the research proposition. Eight cases were identified in which South Asian young people (under 18 years of age) had experienced some combination of all three issues. However, the pattern identified within the research proposition was not the ‘final explanation’. Analysis of the research findings revealed that variation existed within the pattern proposed. Moreover, a second pattern was identified in which forced marriage emerged as a parental response to young people who were already being sexually exploited and going missing in this context. The patterns identified were confirmed through analysis of interviews undertaken with twelve subject experts (key informants) and resonated with a specifically selected group of nine young people who were presented with a composite case study during focus group discussion. I argue that awareness of patterns linking all three issues will help practitioners to identify and respond appropriately to cases where the issues of going missing, forced marriage and child sexual exploitation overlap. That said the complexity of the cases highlighted risks associated with overlooking diversities: social divisions related to age, gender, ethnicity, class, sexuality and disability were explored to see how they shaped the young people’s experiences. This process revealed that they were located within complex axes of power which then intersected with social systems, including family, community and public institutions. As a consequence, young people lacked relational support and had limited access to safe accommodation and economic resources. This resulted in some young people making attempts to try and self-manage the competing harms that they were facing. The practitioners who supported the young people highlighted the challenges involved in working with them. Analysis of practitioners’ accounts further revealed how power dynamics within multi-agency working arrangements also impacted their efforts to respond to the needs of young people. Through testing the research proposition, I addressed a recognised need for more focused research into the issue of going missing as it relates to young people from different ethnic backgrounds (Berelowitz et al. 2012; Berelowitz et al., 2013; OCC, 2012; Patel, 1994; Safe on the Streets Research Team, 1999; Stein et al. 1994) as well as furthering knowledge about how child sexual exploitation is experienced by young people from black and minority ethnic (BME) communities (Chase & Statham, 2004; CEOP, 2011b; Jago et al., 2011; Berelowitz et al., 2013; Thiara & Gill, 2010; Kelly, 2013; Ward & Patel, 2006). The development of a typology of patterns linking going missing, forced marriage and child sexual exploitation provides a unique contribution to the scholarly literature.

This study aims at ascertaining via a cross-country/cross-city comparison why different national contexts characterized by allegedly opposite ideologies concerning the incorporation of immigrants (namely, the British Race Relations/multicultural model and French republicanism) have led to the adoption of similar policy tools in the prevention of forced unions amongst young people of ethnic minority background. In order to do so, the study will examine French republican and British multicultural rhetoric and policies aimed at the prevention of forced marriage at different institutional levels, with a focus on the preventive role played by the educational sector and within a historical institutionalist theoretical framework. The comparison begins with a consideration of French and British national rhetoric and policies against forced marriage from 1997 to 2008 to develop an adequate framework for the analysis of the preventive role attributed to educational policies in four major localities (the capital cities, Paris and London, and the second two largest cities per population size, Lyon and Birmingham). Despite differences in the policies and rhetoric adopted by multicultural Britain and republican France to tackle forced unions, the study hypothesizes a common trend in the ways French and British public authorities conceptualize the practice of forced marriage - intended mainly as the product of cultural difference. Similarities in the conceptualization of the practice, in turn, have contributed to the identification of similar policy tools despite dissimilar institutional contexts. Such a hypothesis contrasts with one of the key claims of historical institutionalism, according to which dissimilar institutions lead to different policy outcomes across different countries. The study will introduce the role of ideas – in the form of frames (Bleich 2003) – as a tool to explain the reasons why French and British policies aimed at the prevention of forced unions have led to similar policy outcomes despite dissimilar institutional contexts.

Cette thèse a pour objet de comprendre la question du mariage forcé vécu par des femmes immigrantes vivant au Québec et, les réponses politiques, législatives et sociales qu’on y apporte. De façon plus spécifique, il s’agit de mettre à jour la diversité des situations et des significations que recouvre la notion de mariage forcé pour tenter d’en dégager des éléments de définition et de compréhension. La thèse vise également à identifier les conséquences spécifiques qui découlent d’un mariage forcé pour les femmes immigrantes vivant au Québec, et enfin, d’analyser les réponses politiques, législatives et sociales visant le mariage forcé au Canada et au Québec afin de prévenir, dépister et d’en protéger ses victimes en contexte interculturel. S’appuyant sur un corpus de dix entrevues avec des femmes immigrantes vivant, ayant vécu ou menacées d’un mariage forcé et de dix-huit informateurs clés intervenant auprès d’elles et provenant de différents milieux de pratique (police, justice, santé services sociaux et communautaires), une analyse intersectionnelle a permis de révéler toute la complexité des mariages forcés due notamment aux interrelations entre des systèmes d’oppression et des vulnérabilités multiples. La recension des écrits et nos résultats indiquent que certains éléments caractérisent les mariages forcés. Premièrement, la préservation de l’honneur patriarcal qui problématise et contrôle le comportement des femmes en ce qui à trait notamment à leur vie sexuelle, mais aussi sociale. Deuxièmement, le fait que le mariage forcé soit un moyen de poursuivre des intérêts plus souvent collectifs qu’individuels. Dimension collective qui devra nécessairement être prise en considération lors des solutions à apporter à cette problématique. Troisièmement, le rôle des femmes (mères, belles-mères et autres femmes de la communauté culturelle d’appartenance) dans l’arrangement des mariages, mais également dans la surveillance et le contrôle de tous les faits et gestes des autres femmes. i Quatrièmement, le potentiel d’agresseurs multiples, y compris la communauté elle-même, dans les actes de violence commis avant, pendant et, le cas échéant, après le mariage. Une autre dimension qui devra elle aussi être prise en compte lors de l’inter- vention. Cinquièmement, le potentiel d’exploitation sexuelle (viol conjugal, grossesses forcées), physique (mauvais traitements, blessures), psychologique (pressions, manipulations) ou encore économique (travail forcé, privation d’autonomie financière). L’ensemble de ces résultats a permis de cerner certains besoins liés à l’intervention, en terme de prévention, de dépistage et de protection des victimes de mariage forcé. / This thesis aims to understand the issue of forced marriage experienced by immigrant women living in Quebec and the political, legislative and social responses. More specifically, it is to demonstrate the diversity of situations and meanings covered by the concept of forced marriage in an attempt to identify elements of definition and understanding. The thesis also aims to identify the specific consequences of forced marriage for immigrant women living in Quebec, and to analyze the political, legislative and social responses to forced marriage in Canada and Quebec in order to prevent, detect and to protect victims in an intercultural context. Based on ten interviews with immigrant women living, having lived or under the threat of forced marriage and eighteen key informants involved with them and coming from various practice settings (Police, Justice, Health and Social services, Community organizations), an intersectional analysis has revealed the complexity of forced marriages due to the interrelations between various systems of oppression and multiple vulnerabilities. The literature and our results indicate that certain elements characterize forced marriages. Firstly, the preservation of the patriarchal honor that problematizes and controls women’s behaviour, relating in particular to their sexual life as well as their social life. Secondly, the fact that forced marriage is more often a way to pursue collective interests instead of individual ones. This collective dimension will necessarily be taken into account in solutions to this problem. Thirdly, the role played by women (mothers, stepmothers and other women from the same ethnic community) in the marriage arrangements, but also in the surveillance and control of all the comings and goings of other women. Fourthly, the potential of multiple perpetrators, including the community itself, involved in violent acts before, during and sometimes after the wedding is another dimension which must also be taken into account during the intervention. iii Fifthly, the potential for sexual exploitation (marital rape, forced pregnancies), physical violence (bodily harm), psychological violence (pressures, manipulation) or economic violence (forced labor, deprivation of financial autonomy). All these results helped to identify some needs in terms of prevention, screening and protection of forced marriage victims.

Depuis une vingtaine d’années, la question du mariage en situation migratoire s'est progressivement posée aux familles de migrants marocains de la vallée de la Garonne, avec la succession des générations. A travers les récits de vie et les entretiens recueillis auprès des sujets concernés, ainsi que le travail sociographique, il s’agit ici de cerner les stratégies matrimoniales mises en place par ces familles. Ces stratégies croisent les logiques migratoires des prétendants à l'immigration, générant l’apparition d’une nouvelle forme de mariage, le « mariage-papier ». L'enquête, menée auprès des parents migrants, de leurs enfants et auprès des prétendants aux mariages au Maroc et en France, met en évidence les contraintes sociales et culturelles qui pèsent sur la famille migrante qui a le « devoir de venir en aide aux siens » et sur les candidats à l'immigration qui subissent la « fermeture » des frontières. La thèse montre que le mariage des enfants d'immigrés en situation migratoire révèle des conflits intergénérationnels, de l'instrumentalisation de l'islam et des normes de conjugalité, mais aussi de l'assujettissement des migrants aux familles du bled favorisé par le souci de continuité culturelle et de la reproduction de l'endogamie « socio-ethnique ». Malgré les difficultés récurrentes, le « mariage-papier » apparaît comme une « solution » à des familles assujetties à ces contraintes complexes qui conditionnent leurs possibilités d'action mais aussi des pratiques matrimoniales qu’elles cherchent à inscrire dans leurs logiques migratoires. / For twenty years, with the succession of generations, the issue of marriage migration situations has gradually risen in families of Moroccan migrants in the valley of the Garonne. Through the life stories and interviews collected from people involved, and the sociographic work, this is to identify matrimonial strategies implemented by these families. These strategies intersect migration logical contenders for immigration, generating the appearance of a new form of marriage, "marriage-paper." The request, conducted among migrant parents, their children, and among contenders for marriages in Morocco and in France, highlights the social and cultural constraints faced by the migrant family that has the "duty to assist their relatives", and the immigration applicants who undergo "closed" borders. This thesis demonstrates that the marriage of the children of immigrants, and their migration situation reveals intergenerational conflict, the instrumentalization of Islam and standards of conjugal. Additionally, it shows the subjugation of the migrant families of a village favored by the desire for cultural continuity and reproduction of inbreeding "socio-ethnic." Despite recurring difficulties, the "marriage-paper" appears as a "solution" to families subject to these complex constraints. As a result, affects their possibilities for action, but also marriage practices they seek to include in their migration logic.

Le but de ce mémoire est d’analyser la condition et la conception des femmes dans le roman Le Ventre de l’Atlantique de Fatou Diome. Cette analyse est effectuée à la lumière des travaux de plusieurs écrivaines africaines. Fatou Diome évoque et dénonce la position de la femme sur l’île de Niodior au travers de nombreuses thématiques telles que : la soumission, le mariage forcé, la stérilité, la polygamie, la société́ patriarcale, la femme traditionnelle, la femme moderne, la liberté́, la femme en tant qu’objet et victime des coutumes et traditions. / The purpose of this essay is to analyze the condition and conception of women in Fatou Diome's novel Le Ventre de l’Atlantique. This analysis is done in light of the work of several African women writers. Fatou Diome evokes and denounces the position of the women on the island of Niodior through many topics such as submission, forced marriage, infertility, polygamy, patriarchal society, traditional versus modern woman, freedom, women as objects as victims of customs and traditions.

The comedies of John Dryden, Thomas Shadwell, and Aphra Behn were equally well-received by Restoration audiences, yet each dramatist professes divergent dramatic theories and poetic goals. In prefatory material to their plays, Shadwell insists a dramatist’s duty is to depict virtue rewarded and vice punished, Behn rejects the idea that comic drama might influence morals or manners, and Dryden maintains that his only goal is to please the audience, despite his dull conversation and lack of wit. A comparison between the playwrights’ dramatic theory and their most popular comedies of the 1668-77 decade indicates that none of them represent with any accuracy their own (or others’) work. Shadwell abandons his didactic goals in pursuit of approbation and income, while Behn unswervingly attacks social issues prevalent in a patriarchal society. Dryden’s comedies—witty and fast-paced despite his protestations—also address weaknesses in the patriarchal system and condemn the commodification of marriage.

This thesis examines international feminist activism from the late nineteenth century to the present. In particular it focuses on the campaigns against forms of sexual slavery including child marriage. It examines the male sex right as a major cause of sexual exploitation and it investigates claims that similarities between trafficking children into the institutions of marriage and prostitution reflect the power of heteropatriarchy in governing the social model of heterosexuality and the ensuing subordination of women and girls. It argues that challenging sexual exploitation is difficult because of the social acceptance of men’s right of sexual access to women and girls. / This thesis examines the ways in which the ideologies of cultural relativism and sexual libertarianism protect the concept of ‘conjugal rights’ in systems of traditional marriage. It introduces the theory of sexual relativism in order to explain how cultural relativism works in relation to child marriage. Sexual relativism as a corollary of cultural relativism is used as a feminist tool of analysis in order to make the male sex right visible and politically accountable. / Lesbian historiography is introduced in order to document the role of lesbian experience in the lives and networks of these international activists. The inclusion of lesbian existence in this thesis is a unique approach intended to restore historical accuracy to the lives of women who have been involved in international campaigns against forms of sexual exploitation that include child marriage, child prostitution, incest, and other harmful cultural practices. I discuss how lesbians and spinsters, as unhusbanded women, experienced freedom from domestic duties including child care and the sexual servicing of men. Their ensuing independence enabled them to become involved in political work and by forming networks they were able to discuss and formulate their ideas. I explore the relationship between the personal and political in the examination of these women’s lives. In particular I examine the lesbian existence within the political and friendship networks of interwar feminists such as Eleanor Rathbone, Constance Antonina (Nina) Boyle, Alison Neilans, Cicely Hamilton, Katharine Furse and Margaret Haig. The radical feminist approach to this inquiry is intended to contribute to filling gaps in the knowledge base of feminist history and to broaden the transdisciplinary approach to international scholarship.

No description available.

Honor-related violence and oppression is a global social problem where women who are at risk of honor in many cases do not dare to seek help and support from social services. The purpose of this study is to investigate how women are affected by honor-related violence and oppression and what challenges the social service in Sweden is facing. The study is carried out through an overall literature study in the form of 12 scientific articles. The results show that honor-affected women live under constant oppression where standards of honor are more prioritized than the women's well-being and right to freedom. It also shows that the social service is going through a series of different challenges, including through a lack of experience and a lack of cooperation between different authorities. When these results are presented, it becomes clear how dishonored women are considered "especially vulnerable", which pushes their isolation in society even more. The social workers' lack of experience on the subject means that vulnerable women do not receive the help and support they need. In addition, the dishonored woman runs the risk of being subjected to even more violence by her perpetrator if she is denied the support and help she needs. This study sets out what problems honor-prone women can encounter in contact with social services. Their contact with social services can either free them from honor violence or make the situation even worse. / Hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck är ett globalt samhällsproblem där hedersutsatta kvinnor i många fall inte vågar söka hjälp och stöd av socialtjänsten. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur kvinnor påverkas av hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck samt vilka utmaningar socialtjänsten i Sverige står inför. Studien utförs genom en övergripande litteraturstudie i form av 12 vetenskapliga artiklar. Resultatet visar att hedersutsatta kvinnor lever under ständigt förtryck där hedersnormer är mer prioriterade än kvinnornas mående och rätt till frihet. Det visar även att socialtjänsten går igenom en rad av olika utmaningar, bland annat genom bristande erfarenhet samt bristande samverkan mellan olika myndigheter. När dessa resultat presenterats blir det tydligt hur hedersutsatta kvinnor betraktas som  “särskilt utsatta”, vilket trycker på deras isolering i samhället ännu mer. Socialarbetarnas bristande erfarenhet kring ämnet leder till att hedersutsatta kvinnor inte får den hjälp och stöd de är i behov av. Dessutom löper den hedersutsatta kvinnan en risk att utsättas för ännu mer våld av sin förövare om hon nekas stöd och hjälp som hon behöver. Denna studie planterar fram vilka problem hedersutsatta kvinnor kan stöta på i kontakt med socialtjänsten. Deras kontakt med socialtjänsten kan antingen fria dem från hedersvåldet eller göra situationen ännu värre.

Anhand von drei Untersuchungen, die jeweils als eigenständige Artikel in Fachzeitschriften publiziert wurden, werden unterschiedliche Aspekte der Rolle der Familie auf das Partnerwahl- und Partnerschaftsleben bei türkischstämmigen Personen untersucht. In einem ersten Artikel werden die Determinanten einer familiären Einflussnahme auf die Partnerwahl untersucht. Hierzu werden Hypothesen zum Einfluss des Bildungsgrades, der ethnischen Zusammensetzung des sozialen Netzwerkes und des Geschlechts untersucht. Ein weiterer Artikel untersucht, wie sich die familiäre Einflussnahme auf die Partnerwahl auf die spätere Partnerschaftsqualität auswirkt. Der dritte Artikel hat die familiären transnationalen Netzwerke als Untersuchungsgegenstand. Dabei wird analysiert, wie ein familiäres Netzwerk, das sich über mehrere Nationalstaaten spannt, auf die Wahrscheinlichkeit einer transnationalen Partnerschaft auswirkt.