Almost twenty years after the signing of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and negotiations over mitigation and adaptation strategies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions began, the negotiations continue to fall short of scientific goals to curb warming. Current UNFCCC procedures do not provide for mediation in the process of negotiations. Public policy mediation has been used often at local, national, and regional levels to resolve environmental disputes. The characteristics of the climate change negotiations suggest that mediation may provide a number of benefits to the negotiations. Scholars and practitioners have developed criteria for determining the suitability of applying mediation to a dispute. The UNFCCC negotiations meet the majority of these criteria. However, the urgency of the issue, its complexity, the number of stakeholders, institutional capacity, and the power parity of the parties suggest mediation may be most beneficial if applied on a small scale at the UNFCCC negotiations. / 10000-01-01

A cadeia produtiva do tabaco brasileiro restringe-se aos estados do Sul do Brasil responsáveis por aproximadamente 90% da produção brasileira. O cultivo é encontrado em aproximadamente 700 municípios, ocupa aproximadamente 376 mil hectares e integra 186 mil pequenos produtores. A organização da cadeia ocorreu no começo do século XX sob a liderança do capital industrial e coincidiu com o processo de industrialização do tabaco e a sua modificação na forma de consumo, priorizando o cigarro, as transformações promovidas pela modernização agrícola no contexto da revolução verde, a crise na agropecuária brasileira da década de 1980, etc. A perda de renda e dificuldades de comercialização da produção levou milhares de familiares a buscar alternativas. As condições oferecidas pela integração à agroindústria do tabaco centralizada em Santa Cruz do Sul, como por exemplo, oferecer uma elevada renda em pequenas áreas de exploração, a garantia de comercialização de toda a produção, a oferta de assistência técnica e financeira, etc. atraíram milhares de agricultores familiares. A indústria tabaqueira ampliou a oferta de matéria-prima para atender ao crescente mercado cigarreiro em expansão no Brasil até a primeira década de 2000 e ocupou espaços deixados por importantes players no mercado internacional. O Brasil tornou-se desde a década de 1990, um dos maiores produtores mundiais e o maior exportador de tabaco em folha, com a produção alcançando 712.750 toneladas na safra 2012/13. A expansão do mercado consumidor (interno e externo) expandiu o cultivo para diversas regiões do Sul do Brasil, periféricas ao núcleo agroindustrial. Na década de 1960, o cultivo do tabaco incluiu os municípios das Microrregiões de Pelotas/RS e Camaquã/RS que experimentaram uma forte expansão da produção no começo da década de 2000 elevando esses municípios ao patamar de maiores produtores nacionais. A importância econômica e social do tabaco para milhares de famílias no Sul do Brasil e para os territórios fumicultores não implica, entretanto, na ausência de críticas a este cultivo. A grande fragilidade reside no fato de que o tabaco é uma matéria-prima destinada quase que exclusivamente para a fabricação de cigarros. Historicamente o tabagismo nunca foi bem aceito, por isso alvo de grandes taxações. Recentemente a Organização Mundial da Saúde (OMS) vem articulando a implantação de acordos supranacionais que visam a redução do consumo, como por exemplo, a Convenção Quadro para o Controle do Consumo do Tabaco, que congrega mais de 170 países e visa regulamentar a atividade, sobretudo o consumo. As consequências diretas dessas medidas não são facilmente percebidas no Brasil devido ao posicionamento ambíguo do Governo Brasileiro com relação à implantação das medidas previstas pela Convenção e principalmente pela forte inserção da cadeia produtiva brasileira no mercado internacional, onde mais de 85% da produção é destinada à exportação, sobretudo para países com consumo em franca expansão. A incerteza promovida pela Convenção configura o grande desafio para a cadeia. Por outro lado, para os agricultores familiares vinculados à atividade, uma possível limitação ou proibição representaria um grave problema social, uma vez que a cultura da produção de tabaco está, em muitos casos, enraizada no modo de vida desses agricultores, portanto, está diretamente ligada à sua reprodução. / The productive chain of Brazilian tobacco is restricted to the southern states of Brazil accounted for approximately 90% of Brazilian production. Cultivation is found in approximately 700 municipalities, it occupies approximately 376,000 hectares and includes 186 000 small farmers. The organization of the chain occurred in the early twentieth century under the leadership of industrial capital and coincided with the tobacco industrialization process and its modification in the form of consumption, prioritizing the cigarette, the changes promoted by agricultural modernization in the context of the green revolution, the crisis in Brazilian agriculture in the 1980s, etc. The loss of income and difficulties marketing of the production took thousands of families to search alternatives. The conditions offered by the integration into the agricultural industry of tobacco centralized in Santa Cruz do Sul, as an example, offer a high income in small areas of exploration, the warranties of merchantability of all production, the supply of technical and financial assistance, etc.,it attracted thousands of family farmers. The tobacco industry has expanded the supply of raw materials to attend the growing of the tobacco market in expansion in Brazil until the beginning of 2000s and occupied spaces left by major players in the international market. Brazil has become since the 1990s, one of the largest producers and the largest exporter of tobacco leaf, with production reaching 712.750 tonnes in 2012/13 crop. The expansion of the consumer market (domestic and foreign) it expanded the farming to several regions of southern of Brazil, peripheral to the agro-industrial core. In the 1960s, tobacco cultivation included the municipalities of Microregions of Pelotas / RS and Camaquã / RS that have experienced a strong expansion of production in the early 2000s bringing these municipalities to the largest national producer level. The economic and social importance of tobacco for thousands of families in southern of Brazil and for tobacco growers territories does not imply, however, in the absence of criticism to this crop. The great fragility is in the fact that tobacco is a raw material used almost exclusively for the manufacture of cigarettes. Historically, smoking has never been well accepted, because of this it is target of great taxation. Recently the World Health Organization (WHO) is coordinating the implementation of supranational agreements aiming the reduction of the consumption, as an example, the Framework Convention on Tobacco Consumption Control, which brings together more than 170 countries and aims to regulate the activity, especially consumption. The direct consequences of these measures are not easily perceived in Brazil due to the ambiguous position of the Brazilian government regarding the implementation of the measures forseen by the Convention and mainly by the strong integration of the Brazilian productive chain in the international market, where more than 85% of production is destined for export, especially to countries with consumption booming. The uncertainty promoted by the Convention sets the big challenge to the chain. On the other hand, for family farmers linked to the activity, a possible limitation or prohibition would represent a serious social problem, because the tobacco crop production is, in many cases, rooted in the way of life of farmers, therefore, is directly linked to its reproduction. / La cadena productiva del tabaco brasilero se reduce a los estados del Sur de Brasil responsables aproximadamente 90 % de la producción brasilera. El cultivo es encontrado en aproximadamente 700 municipios, ocupa aproximadamente 376 mil hectarias e integra 186 mil pequeños productores. La organización de la cadena ocurrió en inicio del siglo XX con el liderazgo del capital industrial y coincidió con el proceso de industrialización del tabaco y a su modificación en la forma de consumo, dando prioridad al cigarrillo, las transformaciones promovidas por la modernización agrícola en el contexto de la revolución verde, la crisis en la agropecuaria brasilera de la década de 1980, etc. La pérdida de la renta y dificultades de comercialización de la producción llevó a millones de familias a buscar alternativas. Las condiciones ofrecidas por la integración a la agroindustria del tabaco centralizada en Santa Cruz do Sul, como por ejemplo, ofrece una elevada renta en pequeñas áreas de exploración, la garantía de comercialización de toda la producción, la oferta de asistencia técnica y financiera, etc, atrayeron millones de agricultores familiares. La industria tabaquera amplió la oferta de la materia prima para atender al creciente mercado cigarrero en expansión en Brasil hasta la primera década de 2000 y ocupó espacios dejados por importantes players en el mercado internacional. Brasil se volvió desde la década de 1990, uno de los mayores productores mundiales y el mayor exportador de producción alcanzando 712.750 toneladas en la cosecha 2012/13. La expansión del mercado consumidor (interno y externo) extendió el cultivo para diversas regiones del Sur de Brasil, periféricas al núcleo agroindustrial. En la década de 1960, el cultivo del tabaco incluyó los municipios de las microrregiones de Pelotas/RS y Camaquã/RS que experimentaron una fuerte expansión de la producción en el inicio de la década de 2000 elevando esos municipios al patamar de mayores productores nacionales. La importancia económica y social del tabaco para millares de familias en el Sur de Brasil y para los territorios fumicultores no implica, entre tanto, en la ausencia de críticas a este cultivo. La gran fragilidad reside en el hecho de que el tabaco es una materia prima destinada casi que exclusivamente para la fabricación de cigarrillos. Históricamente el tabaquismo nunca fue bien acepto, por eso albo de grandes tasaciones. Recientemente la organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) viene articulando la implantación de acuerdos supranacionales que tienen por objetivo la reducción del consumo, como por ejemplo, la Convención Cuadro para el control del consumo del tabaco, que congrega más de 170 países e intenta reglamentar la actividad, principalmente el consumo. Las consecuencias directas de esas medidas no son fácilmente percibidas en Brasil debido al posicionamiento ambiguo del gobierno brasilero con relación a la implantación de las medidas calculadas por la Convención y principalmente por la fuerte inserción de la cadena productiva brasilera en el comercio internacional, donde más del 85 % de la producción es destinada a la exportación, sobre todo para países con consumo en gran expansión. La incertidumbre promovida por la Convención muestra el gran desafío para la cadena. Por otro lado, para los agricultores familiares vinculados a la actividad, una posible limitación o prohibición representaría un grave problema social, una vez que la cultura de la producción de tabaco está, en muchos casos, enraizada en el modo de vida de esos agricultores, por lo que, está directamente ligada a su reproducción.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze agenda manipulation in international negotiations. The analysis is focused on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its conferences in the past three year. A theoretical framework of agenda manipulation is established and the conferences are analyzed through a series of comparative case studies. The theoretical framework offer insight into 1) power politics and state interest, 2) negotiation as a method to manage external relations, 3) the existing framework in which the actors try to advance their agenda and 4) the various internal and external influences on state behavior.

It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.

It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.

It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.

Abstract As ecological deterioration getting worse and worse, the degree from global environment problem threat human life is more and more striking, and brings the rise of environmental diplomacy and global environmental politics. The PRC has wide territory, numerous population, and abundant natural resource, however after twenty years of modernizing, result in environment crisis. Since 1989, the PRC being forced to enhance her attention and participation in international environmental protection field by the pressure from domestic and foreign factors. The purpose of this thesis is to realize the details about the development of the PRC environmental diplomacy during the post cold-war era. The author try to combine domestic and international approaches, and use regime theory to analyze the actions of the PRC. The findings as follows: 1. The PRC make their objectives (ex : gain financial and technical assistance, improve the domestic environmental protection ability, modify her international image, etc. ) come true by holding the principles, including secure sovereignty, the unequal responsibilities between developed and developing countries, and developed countries should bare the major responsibilities of global environment problems. 2. The decision-making about the policy guide participation in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change origins from the result of the bargaining between bureaucracies. Besides, climate regime can change the options of environmental and science agencies, but the effect doesn¡¦t show in ultimate decisions. 3. Although the PRC still fear participation in regime will let her sovereignty invaded and economic potential repressed, try to make long-term plans and make capital of foreign firms to improve her environmental protection abilities.

A cadeia produtiva do tabaco brasileiro restringe-se aos estados do Sul do Brasil responsáveis por aproximadamente 90% da produção brasileira. O cultivo é encontrado em aproximadamente 700 municípios, ocupa aproximadamente 376 mil hectares e integra 186 mil pequenos produtores. A organização da cadeia ocorreu no começo do século XX sob a liderança do capital industrial e coincidiu com o processo de industrialização do tabaco e a sua modificação na forma de consumo, priorizando o cigarro, as transformações promovidas pela modernização agrícola no contexto da revolução verde, a crise na agropecuária brasileira da década de 1980, etc. A perda de renda e dificuldades de comercialização da produção levou milhares de familiares a buscar alternativas. As condições oferecidas pela integração à agroindústria do tabaco centralizada em Santa Cruz do Sul, como por exemplo, oferecer uma elevada renda em pequenas áreas de exploração, a garantia de comercialização de toda a produção, a oferta de assistência técnica e financeira, etc. atraíram milhares de agricultores familiares. A indústria tabaqueira ampliou a oferta de matéria-prima para atender ao crescente mercado cigarreiro em expansão no Brasil até a primeira década de 2000 e ocupou espaços deixados por importantes players no mercado internacional. O Brasil tornou-se desde a década de 1990, um dos maiores produtores mundiais e o maior exportador de tabaco em folha, com a produção alcançando 712.750 toneladas na safra 2012/13. A expansão do mercado consumidor (interno e externo) expandiu o cultivo para diversas regiões do Sul do Brasil, periféricas ao núcleo agroindustrial. Na década de 1960, o cultivo do tabaco incluiu os municípios das Microrregiões de Pelotas/RS e Camaquã/RS que experimentaram uma forte expansão da produção no começo da década de 2000 elevando esses municípios ao patamar de maiores produtores nacionais. A importância econômica e social do tabaco para milhares de famílias no Sul do Brasil e para os territórios fumicultores não implica, entretanto, na ausência de críticas a este cultivo. A grande fragilidade reside no fato de que o tabaco é uma matéria-prima destinada quase que exclusivamente para a fabricação de cigarros. Historicamente o tabagismo nunca foi bem aceito, por isso alvo de grandes taxações. Recentemente a Organização Mundial da Saúde (OMS) vem articulando a implantação de acordos supranacionais que visam a redução do consumo, como por exemplo, a Convenção Quadro para o Controle do Consumo do Tabaco, que congrega mais de 170 países e visa regulamentar a atividade, sobretudo o consumo. As consequências diretas dessas medidas não são facilmente percebidas no Brasil devido ao posicionamento ambíguo do Governo Brasileiro com relação à implantação das medidas previstas pela Convenção e principalmente pela forte inserção da cadeia produtiva brasileira no mercado internacional, onde mais de 85% da produção é destinada à exportação, sobretudo para países com consumo em franca expansão. A incerteza promovida pela Convenção configura o grande desafio para a cadeia. Por outro lado, para os agricultores familiares vinculados à atividade, uma possível limitação ou proibição representaria um grave problema social, uma vez que a cultura da produção de tabaco está, em muitos casos, enraizada no modo de vida desses agricultores, portanto, está diretamente ligada à sua reprodução. / The productive chain of Brazilian tobacco is restricted to the southern states of Brazil accounted for approximately 90% of Brazilian production. Cultivation is found in approximately 700 municipalities, it occupies approximately 376,000 hectares and includes 186 000 small farmers. The organization of the chain occurred in the early twentieth century under the leadership of industrial capital and coincided with the tobacco industrialization process and its modification in the form of consumption, prioritizing the cigarette, the changes promoted by agricultural modernization in the context of the green revolution, the crisis in Brazilian agriculture in the 1980s, etc. The loss of income and difficulties marketing of the production took thousands of families to search alternatives. The conditions offered by the integration into the agricultural industry of tobacco centralized in Santa Cruz do Sul, as an example, offer a high income in small areas of exploration, the warranties of merchantability of all production, the supply of technical and financial assistance, etc.,it attracted thousands of family farmers. The tobacco industry has expanded the supply of raw materials to attend the growing of the tobacco market in expansion in Brazil until the beginning of 2000s and occupied spaces left by major players in the international market. Brazil has become since the 1990s, one of the largest producers and the largest exporter of tobacco leaf, with production reaching 712.750 tonnes in 2012/13 crop. The expansion of the consumer market (domestic and foreign) it expanded the farming to several regions of southern of Brazil, peripheral to the agro-industrial core. In the 1960s, tobacco cultivation included the municipalities of Microregions of Pelotas / RS and Camaquã / RS that have experienced a strong expansion of production in the early 2000s bringing these municipalities to the largest national producer level. The economic and social importance of tobacco for thousands of families in southern of Brazil and for tobacco growers territories does not imply, however, in the absence of criticism to this crop. The great fragility is in the fact that tobacco is a raw material used almost exclusively for the manufacture of cigarettes. Historically, smoking has never been well accepted, because of this it is target of great taxation. Recently the World Health Organization (WHO) is coordinating the implementation of supranational agreements aiming the reduction of the consumption, as an example, the Framework Convention on Tobacco Consumption Control, which brings together more than 170 countries and aims to regulate the activity, especially consumption. The direct consequences of these measures are not easily perceived in Brazil due to the ambiguous position of the Brazilian government regarding the implementation of the measures forseen by the Convention and mainly by the strong integration of the Brazilian productive chain in the international market, where more than 85% of production is destined for export, especially to countries with consumption booming. The uncertainty promoted by the Convention sets the big challenge to the chain. On the other hand, for family farmers linked to the activity, a possible limitation or prohibition would represent a serious social problem, because the tobacco crop production is, in many cases, rooted in the way of life of farmers, therefore, is directly linked to its reproduction. / La cadena productiva del tabaco brasilero se reduce a los estados del Sur de Brasil responsables aproximadamente 90 % de la producción brasilera. El cultivo es encontrado en aproximadamente 700 municipios, ocupa aproximadamente 376 mil hectarias e integra 186 mil pequeños productores. La organización de la cadena ocurrió en inicio del siglo XX con el liderazgo del capital industrial y coincidió con el proceso de industrialización del tabaco y a su modificación en la forma de consumo, dando prioridad al cigarrillo, las transformaciones promovidas por la modernización agrícola en el contexto de la revolución verde, la crisis en la agropecuaria brasilera de la década de 1980, etc. La pérdida de la renta y dificultades de comercialización de la producción llevó a millones de familias a buscar alternativas. Las condiciones ofrecidas por la integración a la agroindustria del tabaco centralizada en Santa Cruz do Sul, como por ejemplo, ofrece una elevada renta en pequeñas áreas de exploración, la garantía de comercialización de toda la producción, la oferta de asistencia técnica y financiera, etc, atrayeron millones de agricultores familiares. La industria tabaquera amplió la oferta de la materia prima para atender al creciente mercado cigarrero en expansión en Brasil hasta la primera década de 2000 y ocupó espacios dejados por importantes players en el mercado internacional. Brasil se volvió desde la década de 1990, uno de los mayores productores mundiales y el mayor exportador de producción alcanzando 712.750 toneladas en la cosecha 2012/13. La expansión del mercado consumidor (interno y externo) extendió el cultivo para diversas regiones del Sur de Brasil, periféricas al núcleo agroindustrial. En la década de 1960, el cultivo del tabaco incluyó los municipios de las microrregiones de Pelotas/RS y Camaquã/RS que experimentaron una fuerte expansión de la producción en el inicio de la década de 2000 elevando esos municipios al patamar de mayores productores nacionales. La importancia económica y social del tabaco para millares de familias en el Sur de Brasil y para los territorios fumicultores no implica, entre tanto, en la ausencia de críticas a este cultivo. La gran fragilidad reside en el hecho de que el tabaco es una materia prima destinada casi que exclusivamente para la fabricación de cigarrillos. Históricamente el tabaquismo nunca fue bien acepto, por eso albo de grandes tasaciones. Recientemente la organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) viene articulando la implantación de acuerdos supranacionales que tienen por objetivo la reducción del consumo, como por ejemplo, la Convención Cuadro para el control del consumo del tabaco, que congrega más de 170 países e intenta reglamentar la actividad, principalmente el consumo. Las consecuencias directas de esas medidas no son fácilmente percibidas en Brasil debido al posicionamiento ambiguo del gobierno brasilero con relación a la implantación de las medidas calculadas por la Convención y principalmente por la fuerte inserción de la cadena productiva brasilera en el comercio internacional, donde más del 85 % de la producción es destinada a la exportación, sobre todo para países con consumo en gran expansión. La incertidumbre promovida por la Convención muestra el gran desafío para la cadena. Por otro lado, para los agricultores familiares vinculados a la actividad, una posible limitación o prohibición representaría un grave problema social, una vez que la cultura de la producción de tabaco está, en muchos casos, enraizada en el modo de vida de esos agricultores, por lo que, está directamente ligada a su reproducción.

A cadeia produtiva do tabaco brasileiro restringe-se aos estados do Sul do Brasil responsáveis por aproximadamente 90% da produção brasileira. O cultivo é encontrado em aproximadamente 700 municípios, ocupa aproximadamente 376 mil hectares e integra 186 mil pequenos produtores. A organização da cadeia ocorreu no começo do século XX sob a liderança do capital industrial e coincidiu com o processo de industrialização do tabaco e a sua modificação na forma de consumo, priorizando o cigarro, as transformações promovidas pela modernização agrícola no contexto da revolução verde, a crise na agropecuária brasileira da década de 1980, etc. A perda de renda e dificuldades de comercialização da produção levou milhares de familiares a buscar alternativas. As condições oferecidas pela integração à agroindústria do tabaco centralizada em Santa Cruz do Sul, como por exemplo, oferecer uma elevada renda em pequenas áreas de exploração, a garantia de comercialização de toda a produção, a oferta de assistência técnica e financeira, etc. atraíram milhares de agricultores familiares. A indústria tabaqueira ampliou a oferta de matéria-prima para atender ao crescente mercado cigarreiro em expansão no Brasil até a primeira década de 2000 e ocupou espaços deixados por importantes players no mercado internacional. O Brasil tornou-se desde a década de 1990, um dos maiores produtores mundiais e o maior exportador de tabaco em folha, com a produção alcançando 712.750 toneladas na safra 2012/13. A expansão do mercado consumidor (interno e externo) expandiu o cultivo para diversas regiões do Sul do Brasil, periféricas ao núcleo agroindustrial. Na década de 1960, o cultivo do tabaco incluiu os municípios das Microrregiões de Pelotas/RS e Camaquã/RS que experimentaram uma forte expansão da produção no começo da década de 2000 elevando esses municípios ao patamar de maiores produtores nacionais. A importância econômica e social do tabaco para milhares de famílias no Sul do Brasil e para os territórios fumicultores não implica, entretanto, na ausência de críticas a este cultivo. A grande fragilidade reside no fato de que o tabaco é uma matéria-prima destinada quase que exclusivamente para a fabricação de cigarros. Historicamente o tabagismo nunca foi bem aceito, por isso alvo de grandes taxações. Recentemente a Organização Mundial da Saúde (OMS) vem articulando a implantação de acordos supranacionais que visam a redução do consumo, como por exemplo, a Convenção Quadro para o Controle do Consumo do Tabaco, que congrega mais de 170 países e visa regulamentar a atividade, sobretudo o consumo. As consequências diretas dessas medidas não são facilmente percebidas no Brasil devido ao posicionamento ambíguo do Governo Brasileiro com relação à implantação das medidas previstas pela Convenção e principalmente pela forte inserção da cadeia produtiva brasileira no mercado internacional, onde mais de 85% da produção é destinada à exportação, sobretudo para países com consumo em franca expansão. A incerteza promovida pela Convenção configura o grande desafio para a cadeia. Por outro lado, para os agricultores familiares vinculados à atividade, uma possível limitação ou proibição representaria um grave problema social, uma vez que a cultura da produção de tabaco está, em muitos casos, enraizada no modo de vida desses agricultores, portanto, está diretamente ligada à sua reprodução. / The productive chain of Brazilian tobacco is restricted to the southern states of Brazil accounted for approximately 90% of Brazilian production. Cultivation is found in approximately 700 municipalities, it occupies approximately 376,000 hectares and includes 186 000 small farmers. The organization of the chain occurred in the early twentieth century under the leadership of industrial capital and coincided with the tobacco industrialization process and its modification in the form of consumption, prioritizing the cigarette, the changes promoted by agricultural modernization in the context of the green revolution, the crisis in Brazilian agriculture in the 1980s, etc. The loss of income and difficulties marketing of the production took thousands of families to search alternatives. The conditions offered by the integration into the agricultural industry of tobacco centralized in Santa Cruz do Sul, as an example, offer a high income in small areas of exploration, the warranties of merchantability of all production, the supply of technical and financial assistance, etc.,it attracted thousands of family farmers. The tobacco industry has expanded the supply of raw materials to attend the growing of the tobacco market in expansion in Brazil until the beginning of 2000s and occupied spaces left by major players in the international market. Brazil has become since the 1990s, one of the largest producers and the largest exporter of tobacco leaf, with production reaching 712.750 tonnes in 2012/13 crop. The expansion of the consumer market (domestic and foreign) it expanded the farming to several regions of southern of Brazil, peripheral to the agro-industrial core. In the 1960s, tobacco cultivation included the municipalities of Microregions of Pelotas / RS and Camaquã / RS that have experienced a strong expansion of production in the early 2000s bringing these municipalities to the largest national producer level. The economic and social importance of tobacco for thousands of families in southern of Brazil and for tobacco growers territories does not imply, however, in the absence of criticism to this crop. The great fragility is in the fact that tobacco is a raw material used almost exclusively for the manufacture of cigarettes. Historically, smoking has never been well accepted, because of this it is target of great taxation. Recently the World Health Organization (WHO) is coordinating the implementation of supranational agreements aiming the reduction of the consumption, as an example, the Framework Convention on Tobacco Consumption Control, which brings together more than 170 countries and aims to regulate the activity, especially consumption. The direct consequences of these measures are not easily perceived in Brazil due to the ambiguous position of the Brazilian government regarding the implementation of the measures forseen by the Convention and mainly by the strong integration of the Brazilian productive chain in the international market, where more than 85% of production is destined for export, especially to countries with consumption booming. The uncertainty promoted by the Convention sets the big challenge to the chain. On the other hand, for family farmers linked to the activity, a possible limitation or prohibition would represent a serious social problem, because the tobacco crop production is, in many cases, rooted in the way of life of farmers, therefore, is directly linked to its reproduction. / La cadena productiva del tabaco brasilero se reduce a los estados del Sur de Brasil responsables aproximadamente 90 % de la producción brasilera. El cultivo es encontrado en aproximadamente 700 municipios, ocupa aproximadamente 376 mil hectarias e integra 186 mil pequeños productores. La organización de la cadena ocurrió en inicio del siglo XX con el liderazgo del capital industrial y coincidió con el proceso de industrialización del tabaco y a su modificación en la forma de consumo, dando prioridad al cigarrillo, las transformaciones promovidas por la modernización agrícola en el contexto de la revolución verde, la crisis en la agropecuaria brasilera de la década de 1980, etc. La pérdida de la renta y dificultades de comercialización de la producción llevó a millones de familias a buscar alternativas. Las condiciones ofrecidas por la integración a la agroindustria del tabaco centralizada en Santa Cruz do Sul, como por ejemplo, ofrece una elevada renta en pequeñas áreas de exploración, la garantía de comercialización de toda la producción, la oferta de asistencia técnica y financiera, etc, atrayeron millones de agricultores familiares. La industria tabaquera amplió la oferta de la materia prima para atender al creciente mercado cigarrero en expansión en Brasil hasta la primera década de 2000 y ocupó espacios dejados por importantes players en el mercado internacional. Brasil se volvió desde la década de 1990, uno de los mayores productores mundiales y el mayor exportador de producción alcanzando 712.750 toneladas en la cosecha 2012/13. La expansión del mercado consumidor (interno y externo) extendió el cultivo para diversas regiones del Sur de Brasil, periféricas al núcleo agroindustrial. En la década de 1960, el cultivo del tabaco incluyó los municipios de las microrregiones de Pelotas/RS y Camaquã/RS que experimentaron una fuerte expansión de la producción en el inicio de la década de 2000 elevando esos municipios al patamar de mayores productores nacionales. La importancia económica y social del tabaco para millares de familias en el Sur de Brasil y para los territorios fumicultores no implica, entre tanto, en la ausencia de críticas a este cultivo. La gran fragilidad reside en el hecho de que el tabaco es una materia prima destinada casi que exclusivamente para la fabricación de cigarrillos. Históricamente el tabaquismo nunca fue bien acepto, por eso albo de grandes tasaciones. Recientemente la organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) viene articulando la implantación de acuerdos supranacionales que tienen por objetivo la reducción del consumo, como por ejemplo, la Convención Cuadro para el control del consumo del tabaco, que congrega más de 170 países e intenta reglamentar la actividad, principalmente el consumo. Las consecuencias directas de esas medidas no son fácilmente percibidas en Brasil debido al posicionamiento ambiguo del gobierno brasilero con relación a la implantación de las medidas calculadas por la Convención y principalmente por la fuerte inserción de la cadena productiva brasilera en el comercio internacional, donde más del 85 % de la producción es destinada a la exportación, sobre todo para países con consumo en gran expansión. La incertidumbre promovida por la Convención muestra el gran desafío para la cadena. Por otro lado, para los agricultores familiares vinculados a la actividad, una posible limitación o prohibición representaría un grave problema social, una vez que la cultura de la producción de tabaco está, en muchos casos, enraizada en el modo de vida de esos agricultores, por lo que, está directamente ligada a su reproducción.

>Magister Scientiae - MSc / Background: The explosion in the popularity and use of e- cigarettes over the last decade has raised concerns and incited intense discussions over their safety, efficacy and potential public health impact. Globally there is dramatic variation in the approach to regulation, with certain jurisdictions attempting to regulate e-cigarettes either as tobacco products, medicines, consumer products or poisons whilst others have banned their use and sale. The aim of this study was to review the e-cigarette regulatory strategies adopted by the World Health Organisation, Australia, European Union and United States in an attempt to identify feasible approaches to the regulation of e-cigarettes in South Africa within the context of existing institutional regulatory frameworks. Methods: The principles of an explorative comprehensive literature-based review using a thematic qualitative approach were employed. The primary method of data collection was documentation, collected and selected using document review and analysis. Results: The strategies between jurisdictions studied vary significantly in their approach to e-cigarette regulation with each equally facing challenges and massive criticism. The South African approach to the medicalisation of e-cigarettes when evaluated against the WHO FCTC regulatory objectives was found to be ineffective and warrants a change in strategy. Within the existing medicine and tobacco product regulatory frameworks, SA has the option to regulate e-cigarettes as: (1) medicine; (2) tobacco products; or (3) an amalgam of the two approaches. Conclusion: The most expeditious way for SA to regulate e-cigarettes immediately, in the absence of robust scientific data would be to implement a hybrid approach - regulation as a medicine when marketed for therapeutic use and as tobacco products when used recreationally.