Entre 1871 et 1914, la marine militaire française doit s’adapter aux mutations technologiques qui transforment la guerre sur mer. Au même moment, le régime parlementaire de la Troisième République s’affirme. Les équilibres institutionnels du nouveau régime offrent au Parlement un important pouvoir de contrôle sur le pouvoir exécutif. Mais celui-ci ne se développe qu’avec l’expérience grandissante des parlementaires et l’organisation progressive de leur travail. La naissance des Commissions de la Marine au début des années 1890 participe à cette organisation. Les parlementaires qui s’intéressent à la Marine sont d’autant plus nombreux que les débats autour des théories la Jeune École attirent l’attention de l’opinion publique. Cette Jeune École voit dans les progrès techniques de l’époque, les moyens pour la France de se doter d’une marine de guerre plus efficace et moins coûteuse. Parallèlement, l’évolution des navires nécessite l’aménagement des ports de guerre et la réorganisation des personnels de la Marine. Ces changements mobilisent des intérêts financiers, humains et matériels. Par l’étude des travaux parlementaires concernant la Marine, cette étude tente d’identifier les influences contradictoires s’exerçant au Parlement sur la politique navale du pays. La défense des intérêts locaux et particuliers est le fait de véritables groupes de pression. Ces groupes développent des stratégies différentes et obtiennent des résultats variables. De cette façon, ce travail met en avant l’ensemble des influences démocratiques s’exerçant sur la Marine entre 1871 et 1914. / From 1871 to 1914, the french navy had to adapt to technological transformations about naval war. In the same time, the parliamentary system of the Third Republic established itself. Balance of power in the new political system gave to the Parliament, a great power to control over the Government. But this one developed only with growing experience of members of Parliament and gradual organization of their work. Appearance of the Navy Committee at the beginning of the 1890’s developed this organization. Members of Parliament interested in Navy are all the more numerous because discussions about ideas of the « Jeune Ecole » attracted public opinion’s attention. This « Jeune Ecole » understood advances made in naval technology, a way to build a more efficient and costless military navy. In the same time, transformations of ships required transformations of naval bases and reorganization of members of the Navy. All these transformations mobilized financials, humans and materials interests. With investigate the parliamentary works about the Navy, this study will to identify the different influences upon France’s naval politic in Parliament. The defence of local and private interests was the work of real lobbies. These lobbies developed some different strategies and obtained some variable results. In this way, this work presents democratic influences upon Navy from 1871 to 1914.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à la configuration des rapports qui existent entre la France, la Roumanie et la Serbie, réunies autour du Banat pendant la Grande Guerre. La perspective épistémologique est orientée par l’histoire de la Première guerre mondiale sous tous ses aspects: diplomatiques, militaires, culturels, discursifs, de la mémoire etc. Notre cadre d’analyse vise d’abord l’histoire régionale de la Grande Guerre parce que le territoire du Banat se relève à la fois comme une donnée des pourparlers diplomatiques et comme une réalité à l’issue de la guerre, comme un objet à réclamer par les Roumains et par les Serbes au nom du droit de propriété et comme un sujet à débattre en présence de l’aréopage de la paix. Tous ces traits sont étudiés en fonction de rapports diplomatiques, politico-militaires et de propagande de la Roumanie et de la Serbie (du Royaume des Serbes, Croates et Slovènes) avec la France, Paris étant la capitale du « Grand Allié » et le lieu vers lequel se livrent les attentes et les espérances de la réalisation de leur union nationale. / The aim of this thesis is to configure the relationships that have been established between France, Romania and Serbia on Banat during the First World War. Epistemological perspective is guided by the history of world conflict in all its aspects: diplomatic, military, cultural, discursive, memoirs, etc. Our analysis framework first aims the history of the great war, since the territory of Banat appears at the same time as a source of diplomatic negotiations and as a reality at the end of the conflict, as a territory claimed by the Romanians and Serbs on behalf of the right of ownership and as a topic of discussion within the peace forum. All these characteristics are studied regarding the diplomatic, political and military relations of Romania and Serbia (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) with France, Paris being the capital of the "Great Ally” and the place that awaits the expectations and hopes of achieving their national union.

The civil war in Mali and the perception of threat posed by Islamist Jihadists and Al-Qaeda-linked terrorists to international peace and security led to the French military intervention in January 2013 to end the terrorist take-over of Mali, prevent the collapse of the state and spread of insecurity and instability in the conflict-prone and fragile regions of West Africa and the Sahel as well as protect France’s strategic national interests. But what were the real reasons for France’s pre-emptive military intervention in Mali and what does the French and its allied UN, ECOWAS, African Union conflict stabilisation intervention say about donor-driven peacebuilding in Africa, often framed as Liberal peacebuilding intervention? / It will be published by Rienner later this year. David Francis said he would let us know when it is. - sm 05/01/2017 Emailed the publisher for permission 21/12/2016. 22/12/2016 - Lynne Rienner say they're not publishing this book!!! - emailed D Francis! - sm © 2017 Publishers. Reproduced with permission from the publisher. / The full text may be made available after publication and on receipt of permission from the publisher.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thiago Tremonte de Lemos.pdf: 28965559 bytes, checksum: f2818618a6478d824ae063a649585841 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The main aim of this thesis is subsidize the comprehension of Brazilian Army s History and its modernist transformation, through the first years of operation of the French Military Mission hired by the Brazilian Government, in 1919, after tough discussion about the foreign model that the country would follow. Subsequently the choice of French instructors (instead the Germans, for example), parts of the Brazilian Army, the government and civil society, who desired modernity to the military institution, they hybridized your expectations and practices with the lessons, experiences and values from the French officers, fresh out of the Great War, as General Maurice Gamelin, first chief of the Mission . Departing from the idea that the concept of modernity, according to the Argentine anthropologist Néstor García Canclini, consists not necessarily the symmetric notions of modernism and modernization , it s discussed the process of Brazilian Army s transformation, with the French Mission, was characterized more by modernist elements that the modernizers / A presente tese tem o propósito de contribuir para a compreensão da história do Exército brasileiro e da sua transformação modernista, durante os primeiros anos de atuação da Missão Militar Francesa de Instrução contratada pelo governo brasileiro, em 1919, após intenso debate sobre o modelo estrangeiro que o país deveria seguir. Posteriormente à escolha dos instrutores franceses (em detrimento dos alemães, por exemplo), segmentos do Exército brasileiro e do governo, bem como setores da sociedade civil que desejavam a modernidade para a instituição militar hibridizaram suas expectativas e práticas com ensinamentos, experiências e valores provenientes dos oficiais franceses, recém-saídos da Primeira Guerra Mundial, como o general Maurice Gamelin, primeiro chefe da missão. Baseando-se na ideia de que o conceito de modernidade comporta as noções não necessariamente simétricas de modernismo e modernização , como entende o antropólogo argentino Néstor García Canclini, discute-se nesta tese que o processo de transformação do Exército brasileiro, influenciado pela Missão Militar Francesa de Instrução, se caracterizou por elementos modernistas em prejuízo dos elementos modernizadores

This thesis will contend that a permanent body of military force under royal command, a ‘standing army’, arose during the first three decades of the seventeenth century in France. Such a development constituted a transformation in the nature of the monarchy’s armed forces. It was achieved by encouraging elements of the French nobility to become long-term office-holders within royal military institutions. Those members of the nobility who joined the standing army were not coerced into doing so by the crown, but joined the new body of force because it provided them with a means of achieving one of the fundamental ambitions of the French nobility: social advancement for their family. The first four chapters of this thesis thus look at how the standing army emerged via the entrenchment of a system of permanent infantry regiments within France. They look at how certain families, particularly from the lower and middling nobility, attempted to monopolise offices within the regiments due to the social benefits they conferred. Some of the consequences that arose from the army becoming an institution in which ‘careers’ could be pursued, such as promotion and venality, will be examined, as will how elements of the the nobility were vital to the expansion of the standing army beyond its initial core of units. Chapters Five and Six will investigate how the emergence of this new type of force affected the most powerful noblemen of the realm, the grands. In particular, it will focus on those grands who held the prestigious supra-regimental military offices of Constable and Colonel General of the Infantry. The thesis concludes that the emergence of the standing army helped to alter considerably the relationship between the monarchy and the nobility by the end of the period in question. A more monarchy-centred army and state had begun to emerge in France by the late 1620s; a polity which might be dubbed the early ‘absolute monarchy’. However, such a state of affairs had only arisen due to the considerable concessions that the monarchy had made to the ambitions of certain elements of the nobility.