Referendums are enigmatic in their sense as consolidating— or erosive tools of representative democracy; nonetheless, an upswing in the referenda from below was recently highlighted in the literature. Thus, how local referendums from below are mobilized and whether they affect trust in local government is a significant question to be answered, which mandates bridging social movements to tools of deliberative democracy. Similarly, little is known about urban social movements and local patriotism as tenon and its mortise in a sub-national referendum. Therefore, this paper set sail from the role of local patriotism within collective action and aimed at exploring how locals are mobilized to petition a local referendum regarding the liquidation of a cityscape. Within an exploratory holistic single-case study design, I used QCA to analyse the data gathered through semi-structured interviews with members of The People’s Initiative for the Airport Future and various peculiar secondary data. The evidence was compelling in depicting the respondents’ solid spatial belonging— and an unmistakable altruistic stance towards Västerås manifested through political participation. Along with other conclusions, the evidence advocated a persuasive presence of local patriotism, a tendency to resort to unconventional political participation, and a fragmented trust in local government among the respondents.

This thesis offers a micro-level analysis of labour and women’s organizing in the context of globalization through the case study of the Comité Fronterizo de Obrer@s (CFO) from 1978 to 2009. We will see how one organization’s journey can give us insights into the complexities of local organizing and transnational networking in the context of globalization. This case study can be seen as a lens through which we can examine the changing context of labour and women’s organizing in the distinct maquiladora environment. My work positions itself in the “globalization from above” and “globalization from below” debate, specifically around the question of transnational social movements that form the “globalization from below” category in the context of a political economy analysis. However, where my thesis differs from a more traditional analysis of the resistance to globalization, such as that found in the global justice movements or alter-globalization movements, is in its focus on the complexities of organizing at the local level and the pressures that these local organizations feel from “above” from their transnational partners. What this thesis adds to the literature are the stories from the actual members of the organization, about the structure, the decision-making process of their organization, the role of the leadership and the connections between the local organizing and the transnational civil society partners. The complex history of an organization that has been there since the beginning of the maquiladora industry allows us a better understanding of the changing conditions and struggles these workers have faced. This journey through the history of the CFO, the richness of this empirical data encompassing more than 30 years of organizing in the maquiladora zone of Northern Mexico also allows us to explore “globalization from below” through different lens. This thesis brings in a micro-detail analysis of a specific organization in a specific context where we can see clearly transnational civil society linkages and the impact of globalizing capitalist neoliberal economy. As such, this research can offer us new insights into the intricacies of local-global linkages and thus contribute to an area often neglected or underdeveloped in international relations (IR).

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Intertextuality as a method of biblical interpretations is well known and often misused in theological circles. This thesis critically describes how intertextuality is used and what are the main issues with this term and method. The main conclusion is that intertextuality as the modern method is for no much use in biblical hermeneutics though it can be used as an old and well know method of source theory. Intertextuality in the modern view appears to be as a confusing and an unstable term. Philosophical presuppositions of a modern hermeneutics might lead to self-contradictory conclusions. It is not that the attempt to come to original meaning is fulfilled through new interpretational methods, but anyone can introduce any new meaning to old texts. This work shows that the reasons to believe in the death of the original meaning is based on shaky and uncertain grounds. The main concern of this work is introductory citation of the Gospel of Mark. It shows that Mark bases his high Christological understanding on the prophecy of Isaiah and Malachi. Though Mark's Gospel is often considered as the earliest manuscript containing non-high Christological notion, this work shows that Mark from the very beginning introduced us to Jesus who possesses the same qualities as the Yahweh in the books of Isaiah and...

This thesis offers a micro-level analysis of labour and women’s organizing in the context of globalization through the case study of the Comité Fronterizo de Obrer@s (CFO) from 1978 to 2009. We will see how one organization’s journey can give us insights into the complexities of local organizing and transnational networking in the context of globalization. This case study can be seen as a lens through which we can examine the changing context of labour and women’s organizing in the distinct maquiladora environment. My work positions itself in the “globalization from above” and “globalization from below” debate, specifically around the question of transnational social movements that form the “globalization from below” category in the context of a political economy analysis. However, where my thesis differs from a more traditional analysis of the resistance to globalization, such as that found in the global justice movements or alter-globalization movements, is in its focus on the complexities of organizing at the local level and the pressures that these local organizations feel from “above” from their transnational partners. What this thesis adds to the literature are the stories from the actual members of the organization, about the structure, the decision-making process of their organization, the role of the leadership and the connections between the local organizing and the transnational civil society partners. The complex history of an organization that has been there since the beginning of the maquiladora industry allows us a better understanding of the changing conditions and struggles these workers have faced. This journey through the history of the CFO, the richness of this empirical data encompassing more than 30 years of organizing in the maquiladora zone of Northern Mexico also allows us to explore “globalization from below” through different lens. This thesis brings in a micro-detail analysis of a specific organization in a specific context where we can see clearly transnational civil society linkages and the impact of globalizing capitalist neoliberal economy. As such, this research can offer us new insights into the intricacies of local-global linkages and thus contribute to an area often neglected or underdeveloped in international relations (IR).

The dissertation Rapprochement from below? German-French town twinning from 1950 to 2000 is a historiographic study that focuses on town twinning as a specific aspect of German-French co-operation in the second half of the 20th century. The topic is analysed in a wider German-French context and based on statistical data as well as archive sources. The main objective of the study is to evaluate the impact of high-level bilateral relations on German-French town twinning, identify the motivation of its supporters and compare German-French town twinning in the West-German and East-German federal states. Additionally, the localisation of town twins was studied for the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany.

Face à l’opacité interprétative et la faillite du langage auxquelles nous nous heurtons dans l’analyse des œuvres-chocs de Sarah Kane, quelle approche nous permettrait de commenter exhaustivement les formes et les moyens mis en œuvre par la dramaturge pour imprimer sa marque dans l’esprit du spectateur contemporain? Le théâtre postdramatique, paradigme élaboré par Hans-Thies Lehmann, présenterait a priori un dispositif pertinent pour faire lumière sur des problématiques contemporaines cruciales en jeu dans l’œuvre de Kane. Aucunement univoque, car soumis à l’interprétation et à l’engagement du spectateur, le caractère politique des pièces, pourtant spectral, s’avère ici essentiel. Ce spectre politique se laisse percevoir à travers le prisme de la violence et la nécessité du choc semble être son parti pris pour redéfinir le rôle du théâtre dans nos sociétés modernes caractérisées par la circulation massive des images à travers les nouveaux médias. Un lien de coresponsabilité de l’artiste et du spectateur se crée: l’œuvre nous interroge, spectateur/lecteur, sur la part mystérieuse de ce fond de cruauté humaine et sur notre complicité dans l’omniprésence de la violence à travers la consommation de ses produits. Mettant en relief les caractères transgressifs venant bousculer nos affects à travers des références à la « culture d’en bas » et un exercice des limites du spectaculaire centré sur l’obscène et le détournement des codes de la pornographie, cette lecture postdramatique de Cleansed et de Phaedra’s love entend restituer à l’œuvre de Kane son énergie pour un changement qui passe par un éveil des sens. / Faced with the interpretive opacity and failure of language in the analysis of Sarah Kane’s violent plays, what approach could allow us to review the forms and means used by the playwright in order to leave her mark in the mind of the contemporary viewer? The paradigm of the post-dramatic theater, proposed by Hans-Thies Lehmann, constitutes an appropriate device for highlighting the contemporary issues at stake in the work of Kane. Since it strongly depends on the interpretation and the engagement of the viewer, the meaning of the plays are not univocal. Their spectral political nature proves essential here. This political spectrum reveals itself through the prism of violence. The necessity of shock appears to be its bias to redefine the role of theater in modern societies characterized by the flow of images through mass media. A link of co-responsibility between artist and viewer is created. Indeed as viewers/readers, Kane’s plays lead us to question ourselves on the mysterious and intimate depths of human cruelty and our complicity with the omnipresence of violence through consumption of its products. By focusing on the transgressive characteristics of Kane’s dramatic art that shake viewers out of their affective complacency through the references to "culture from below" and through the use of an obscene language and imagery, and through the diversion of pornography’s codes, this postdramatic reading of Cleansed and Phaedra's love intends to restore the energy inherent in Kane’s work. It is an energy that aims for radical change by awakening our senses.

From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.

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