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The thesis analyzes how conflict has politicized education in Gaza by exploring the many direct and indirect effects that both the internal and external conflicts have on education and detailing the parallel, mutually reinforcing development of education and Palestinian nationalism.

This thesis will study the development of the Palestinian women's movement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip from the Mandate period (1920) to the outbreak of the Al Aqsa Intifada (2000). This work will attempt to outline the evolution of this movement and the impact of two factors that have significantly affected the form and course of its development; the first of which and the principal force is Palestinian Nationalism; the second is Islamism. / Nationalism and Islamism are presented here as two formations that functioned separately and in conjunction to present impediments to the ability of an independent Palestinian women's movement to develop and implement a social feminist agenda aimed at establishing gender equality and ensuring women's legal and political rights within Palestinian society.

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Prepared by the Arid Lands Information Center, Office of Arid Lands Studies, University of Arizona ; Mark Speece, compiler.

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Under what circumstances does foreign donor assistance during war-to-peace transitions contribute to the strengthening of civil society and the deepening of democracy? I answer this question through a comparative study of civil society development in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, where I conducted 130 interviews with directors of donor agencies, grassroots activists, and directors of NGOs. Divergent civil society developments in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador after the signing of peace accords in the early 1990s present a real puzzle given the pre-accord similarities in civil society organization between the two cases. Both the Palestinian territories and El Salvador had a legacy of rich, vibrant grassroots organization and civil society activity during their protracted conflicts. In both settings, grassroots organizations have played central roles in non-violent resistance, consciousness-raising, and the provision of community services. Moreover, after the initiation of the peace processes in both the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, foreign donors provided substantial assistance to civil society groups. However, their civil society developmental paths diverged sharply during the war-to-peace transition. In the Palestinian territories, existing civil society organizations have engaged less actively with their previous grassroots constituencies since the start of the war-to-peace transition, and the number of grassroots-based civil society organizations has decreased. Moreover, many of these organizations have been limited in their access to institutions that engage the state. In El Salvador, the re-constitution of civil society has led to its broad access to institutions that engage the state and to higher levels of grassroots inclusion in the political transformation process. / I argue that these divergent outcomes in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador reflect the differential effects that foreign assistance has on civil society after more or less inclusive political settlements. I find that in cases like the Palestinian territories, where the political settlement excludes important socio-political groups, foreign donor assistance is less likely to contribute to the strengthening of civil society or the deepening of democracy. Rather, foreign donor assistance to civil society is more likely to exacerbate political polarization and weaken civil society by further privileging those select groups already favored by the terms of the non-inclusive settlement. Conversely, after more inclusive political settlements like in El Salvador, foreign donor assistance can play a more constructive role in developing civil society and contributing to the deepening of democracy by encouraging grassroots organization, and expanding access to political institutions that engage the state.

Comment les Gaziotes parviennent-il à surmonter les épreuves que leur impose un blocus qui, commencé en 2000, est devenu pratiquement total à partir de 2006 ? Comment expliquer la résilience sociale dont ils ont fait preuve jusqu'à maintenant ? À cette question la thèse d'une chercheuse en sociologie et anthropologie, qui a partagé la vie les Gaziotes pendant plus de dix ans, essaie de répondre. L'analyse est fondée sur des entretiens approfondis auprès d'une population de 120 personnes, sur de nombreuses observations de la vie quotidienne ainsi que sur les résultats de diverses études et rapports sur les conditions de vie à Gaza. La thèse montre qu'il faut chercher l'origine de larésilience dans les ressources que sont, pour les Gaziotes, la solidité de leurs institutions sociales et la référence à une histoire partagée. Au-delà du cas de Gaza, ce travail représente une contribution à une réflexion sur ce qui peut permettre aux sociétés comme aux individus, de surmonter les crises. / How to explain the social resilience evidenced by Gazans notwithstanding the challenges imposed by what began as a partial blockade in the year 2000 to become a practically unmitigated situation since the year 2006? Having shared the daily life of Gaza for over ten years, a researcher in sociology and anthropology tries to answer the question. This thesis is the result of the analysis of in-depth interviews of a population of circa 120 individuals , men and women, coupled by immersion in the daily life and availing herself of numerous and diverse reports and studies on the condition of life in Gaza. The researcher concludes that one has to probe for the origin of this resilience in the resources that constitute for the Gazans the solidity of their social institutions and the reference to a shared history.Beyond the Gaza case, this work is a contribution to an analysis of what may allow societies and individuals that conform them to overcome crisis.

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