Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina Maranhao.pdf: 11708246 bytes, checksum: a0bee347f82f275fe29d92e5d9847d6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis seeks to comprehend the imagetic construction of contemporary wars transmitted by national and international media, through the case study of two current conflicts: the war between police and drug dealers at Rio de Janeiro´s favelas of Complexo do Alemão, and the armed conflict between israelis and palestinians in the Gaza Strip, involving the Palestine Question. Devided in two parts, war and image, this work shows how significative changes occurred in the form of the warfare, associated to new global economic formula, originated from globalization and mundialization. These changes reflected in the form of representing the armed conflicts and therefore in the current photojournalism. . From the observation of significative diferences in the field of images, we focus in two aspects: the image as an action of imagination, and the image as excessive production of clichés from the society of the spectacle . This thesis proposes the construction of a western imagery catalog, elaborated from the relationship between the analysed images of conflicts and the images collected from paints, engraving or photographs. This proposition occured because we realised that there is an imagetic construction of war, wich is responsable for the imaginary of the warrior and of conflicts. Images of war today have changed along with changes of the armed conflict universe, demonstrating a reverberation of images and specific subjects turned into simple pictural clichés, wich in many cases do not represent the violence experienced by the population envolved. This reverberation expresses the generalization of images of war today / Esta tese procura compreender a construção imagética das guerras contemporâneas veiculadas pela mídia nacional e internacional por meio do estudo de caso de dois conflitos atuais: a guerra travada entre policiais e traficantes nas favelas cariocas do Complexo do Alemão e o conflito armado entre israelenses e palestinos na Faixa de Gaza que envolve a Questão Palestina. Dividido em duas partes, guerra e imagem, o trabalho mostra como ocorreram mudanças significativas na forma de guerrear associadas a nova formulação econômica global proveniente da globalização e da mundialização. Estas mudanças refletiram-se na forma de representar os conflitos armados e consequentemente no fotojornalismo atual. A partir da constatação de diferenças significativas no campo da imagem, nos concentramos dois aspectos: a imagem como uma ação do imaginar e a imagem como produção excessiva e formadora de clichês provenientes da sociedade do espetáculo . A tese propõe a construção de um catálogo imagético ocidental elaborado a partir da relação entre as imagens analisadas dos conflitos e imagens coletadas seja na pintura, em gravuras ou na fotografia. A proposta deste ocorreu, pois percebemos que existe uma construção imagética da guerra esta que é responsável pela elaboração do imaginário do guerreiro e dos conflitos. As imagens de guerra na atualidade se modificaram juntamente com as alterações do universo dos conflitos armados, demonstrando uma reverberação de imagens e de temas específicos transformando em meros clichês imagéticos que em muitos casos não representa a violência vivenciada pela população que está envolvida. Reverberação, esta, que expressa a generalização das imagens de guerra na atualidade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina Maranhao.pdf: 11708246 bytes, checksum: a0bee347f82f275fe29d92e5d9847d6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis seeks to comprehend the imagetic construction of contemporary wars transmitted by national and international media, through the case study of two current conflicts: the war between police and drug dealers at Rio de Janeiro´s favelas of Complexo do Alemão, and the armed conflict between israelis and palestinians in the Gaza Strip, involving the Palestine Question. Devided in two parts, war and image, this work shows how significative changes occurred in the form of the warfare, associated to new global economic formula, originated from globalization and mundialization. These changes reflected in the form of representing the armed conflicts and therefore in the current photojournalism. . From the observation of significative diferences in the field of images, we focus in two aspects: the image as an action of imagination, and the image as excessive production of clichés from the society of the spectacle . This thesis proposes the construction of a western imagery catalog, elaborated from the relationship between the analysed images of conflicts and the images collected from paints, engraving or photographs. This proposition occured because we realised that there is an imagetic construction of war, wich is responsable for the imaginary of the warrior and of conflicts. Images of war today have changed along with changes of the armed conflict universe, demonstrating a reverberation of images and specific subjects turned into simple pictural clichés, wich in many cases do not represent the violence experienced by the population envolved. This reverberation expresses the generalization of images of war today / Esta tese procura compreender a construção imagética das guerras contemporâneas veiculadas pela mídia nacional e internacional por meio do estudo de caso de dois conflitos atuais: a guerra travada entre policiais e traficantes nas favelas cariocas do Complexo do Alemão e o conflito armado entre israelenses e palestinos na Faixa de Gaza que envolve a Questão Palestina. Dividido em duas partes, guerra e imagem, o trabalho mostra como ocorreram mudanças significativas na forma de guerrear associadas a nova formulação econômica global proveniente da globalização e da mundialização. Estas mudanças refletiram-se na forma de representar os conflitos armados e consequentemente no fotojornalismo atual. A partir da constatação de diferenças significativas no campo da imagem, nos concentramos dois aspectos: a imagem como uma ação do imaginar e a imagem como produção excessiva e formadora de clichês provenientes da sociedade do espetáculo . A tese propõe a construção de um catálogo imagético ocidental elaborado a partir da relação entre as imagens analisadas dos conflitos e imagens coletadas seja na pintura, em gravuras ou na fotografia. A proposta deste ocorreu, pois percebemos que existe uma construção imagética da guerra esta que é responsável pela elaboração do imaginário do guerreiro e dos conflitos. As imagens de guerra na atualidade se modificaram juntamente com as alterações do universo dos conflitos armados, demonstrando uma reverberação de imagens e de temas específicos transformando em meros clichês imagéticos que em muitos casos não representa a violência vivenciada pela população que está envolvida. Reverberação, esta, que expressa a generalização das imagens de guerra na atualidade

This study investigated the relative clause formation and the coding of tense in the English interlanguage of thirty-two Palestinian students at the six colleges of the Islamic University of Gaza.Three composition topics were designed to elicit the learners' expression of the various English tenses and relative clauses.Findings: The data show that Palestinian learners' switching of tense results from using English morphology to express an aspectual system similar to that of Palestinian Arabic. The English past tense and present tense are used to mark Palestinian perfective and imperfective aspects, respectively. The subject-verb agreement marker and the concord markers 's/is and 'm/am are omitted in relative clauses and when there is a change in aspect.In the area of relative clauses, the data show that relative clauses are ninety percent independent of the Palestinian Arabic structuring of relative clauses. The learners use resumptive pronouns not only in clauses where the predicate incorporates a noun, adjective, or a prepositional phrase, but also before verbs. Conclusions:1. There is a large amount of influence from the Palestinian aspectual system on the learners' use of English tense.2. Subject-verb agreement problems can be solved when the problem of tense shift is solved, because of the cooccurrence of these phenomena.3. EFL teachers in Gaza Strip should not over-react to their students' tense usage in narrative passages and should not require them to write in a particular tense in an artificial manner.4. The learners' errors should be tolerated and should not be considered as indications of faulty learning.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict cannot be classified as an isolated conflict. Today’s clashes were not triggered by a single event, but rather are as a result of thousands of years of violent and at times restrained disagreements about the rights of Jews, Muslims and other ethnic groups to the disputed land known collectively today as Israel and the Palestinian Territories. This study examines the media coverage of one event during the conflict, i.e. the withdrawal by Israeli settlers from the Gaza area. The study tracks coverage over ten weeks in the South African media context, specifically the Mail & Guardian, Cape Times and the Sunday Times – a media setting in itself highly diverse and compelling. Using a qualitative framing analysis as the central methodology, the study focused on six core frames in analysing all articles/reports relating to the Gaza withdrawal. In addition, the editors of the respective newspapers were interviewed to complement the textual analysis. The methodological approach addressed how each story was packaged and presented, and then questioned why certain frames dominated and others did not. The study found that conflict (a combination of violent and non-violent) was the dominant frame chosen. Consequences and Attribution of Responsibility were the next two most prominent frames. Both these frames were found to apportion blame to a particular side in presenting the news reports and when providing comment. Whilst all three newspapers argued that they practiced a balanced coverage, it was this perceived “balance” in using several different frames of presentation that neglected a key “historical” frame. This lack of historical context was one of the key results of the other frames being so dominant. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die konflik tussen Israel en Palestina kan nie gesien word as ’n geïsoleerde konflik nie. Die huidige konflik is nie veroorsaak deur ’n enkele gebeurtenis nie, maar spruit uit die voortslepende geweld tussen Jode, Moslems en ander etniese groepe wat reeds duisende jare lank duur, as gevolg van betwiste aansprake op die grondgebied gesamentlik bekend as Israel en die Palestynse grondgebied. Dié studie ondersoek die mediadekking van een gebeurtenis in die konflik, naamlik die onttrekking van Israeli setlaars in die Gaza-gebied. Die studie volg mediadekking oor tien weke deur drie Suid-Afrikaanse publikasies, Mail & Guardian, Cape Times en Sunday Times. Met behulp van kwalitatiewe raming-analise as die sentrale metodologie, konsentreer dié studie op ses rame in die analise van artikels, wat verband hou met die onttrekking uit die Gasastrook. Die navorsing word aangevul met onderhoude met die redakteurs van die koerante. Die metodologie is toegespits op die manier waarop die stories verpak en aangebied word, en bevraagteken waarom sekere raamwerke oorheers en ander van minder belang is. Die studie bevind dat Konflik (’n samestelling van geweldadige en nie-geweldadige konflik) die oorheersende raam was waarbinne artikels in dié tydperk aangebied is. Die Gevolge- en Toeskrywing van Verantwoordelikheid-rame kom ná konflik die meeste voor. By albei raamwerke word bevind dat skuld aan die een of ander kant toegeskryf word in die aanbiedeing van nuusverslae en wanneer kommentaar gelewer word. Hoewel al drie koerante volhou dat hulle gebalanseerde dekking aanbied, word ’n belangrike “historiese” raam in dié aanbieding verontagsaam as gevolg van die gebruik van verskeie rame om balans te bewerkstellig. Die gebrek aan ’n historiese konteks is een van die vernaamste gevolge van die oorheersing van die ander rame.

This essay seeks to explore to what extent Palestine can be described as a democracy. It uses political theorist Robert A. Dahl's model of Polyarchy, as laid out in his book Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition, as theoretical framework, giving an account of Dahl's eight requirements for democracy, as well as his theoretical scale divided into the two dimensions liberalization and participation which allows one to determine how far a country has come in the process of democratization. A case study of Palestine is then conducted by comparing the polyarchic model with empirical findings, the central source being Freedom House. The conclusion is reached that Palestine is lacking in a number of key requirements for democracy, resulting in the classification of both the Gaza Strip as well as the West Bank as being best described as inclusive hegemonies, or near-inclusive hegemonies.

La pratique internationale montre que l'aide au développement est souvent attribuée à un État souverain, ce qui n'est pas le cas des territoires palestiniens, en dépit de leur statut d'État observateur non membre de l'ONU. La particularité du statut de la Palestine explique la nature singulière mais aussi ambivalente de l'aide de l'Union européenne, qui peut être relevée à tous les niveaux du processus de gestion. Selon les objectifs premiers, définis pour les territoires de Cisjordanie et de la Bande de Gaza, l'aide publique au développement (APD) contribue à la réalisation des accords de paix afin d'aider les protagonistes à parvenir à une solution viable en conformité avec le droit international et les résolutions de l'ONU. Pour la Communauté internationale, et tout particulièrement l'Union européenne, la «solution de deux États», israélien et palestinien, demeure la seule voie pour mettre un terme au conflit et garantir la sécurité d'Israël. Ces objectifs sont d'autant plus renforcés que depuis l'entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne, la coopération au développement est devenue une compétence partagée entre l'Union et ses États membres, sa mise en œuvre étant arrêtée par le Parlement européen et le Conseil conformément à la procédure législative ordinaire. Or, une analyse fine de la structure de I' APD, objet de la présente recherche, démontre que l'Union européenne, premier donateur des territoires palestiniens de Cisjordanie et de la Bande de Gaza, n'est pas en mesure d'apporter une aide autre que financière ou humanitaire, ce qui l'empêche d'agir sur la construction d'un État palestinien, et de permettre aux territoires de se dégager de leur double dépendance à l'égard de l'aide européenne et de l'économie israélienne, notamment par la promotion de secteurs productifs. Pour autant, ces dernières années, l'Union s'efforce, certes laborieusement, de refonder son aide pour intégrer, de manière effective, le paramètre de l'occupation qui menace irrémédiablement le processus de paix. Hormis la place considérable qu'occupe le conflit proprement dit dans la mise en œuvre de I' APD, un certain nombre de contraintes, notamment d'ordre structurel et institutionnel, explique le défaut d'une stratégie établie en vue d'aider les Palestiniens et leur Autorité nationale à construire, de manière autonome et durable, les fondations de l'État. Aujourd'hui, confrontée à ces obstacles de fond majeurs, et compte tenu du blocage des négociations de paix, l'Union européenne peine à établir une cohérence dans sa stratégie d'aide, à destination des territoires palestiniens, tant au regard des objectifs initiaux de I' APD que du respect de ses principes et valeurs, dont la portée a pourtant été confortée par le traité de Lisbonne. / International practice shows that development aid is often attributed to a sovereign state, which is not the case of the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (WBGS), despite their status of nonmember observer state in the UN. The special status of Palestine explains the unprecedented nature of the assistance of the European Union, which falls at all levels of the management process. According to the initial objectives set for the WBGS, official development assistance (ODA) contribute to the achievement of peace agreements in order to help the protagonists to reach a viable solution in accordance with the international law and UN resolutions. For the international community, particularly the European Union, the "two-state solution", Israel and Palestine remains the best way to end the conflict and ensure the security of Israel. These goals are all the more strengthened since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, development cooperation has become a shared competence between the Union and its Member States, its implementation being adopted by the European Parliament and the Council under the ordinary legislative procedure. However, a detailed analysis of the structure of ODA, purpose of this research, shows that the EU -first donor to Palestinian territories- is unable to provide assistance other than humanitarian or financial, which prevents influence the construction of a Palestinian state or to allow territories to be released from their dual dependence of EU aid and the Israeli economy, in particular through the promotion of productive sectors. Yet, in recent years, the Union has been trying, pitilessly, to rebuild its aid in order to effectively integrate the occupation parameter, which is an irreparable threat to the peace process. Apart from the large weight of the conflict itself in the implementation of ODA, a number of constraints, including structural and institutional order, explain the failure of a strategy clearly established to help Palestinians and their national authority to build, in an autonomous and sustainable way, the foundations of the state. Today, faced with these major obstacles, and given the stalemate in the peace negotiations, the European Union is struggling to establish coherence in its aid strategy for the Palestinian territories, both in terms of the initial objectives of ODA and with respect to its constituent principles and values, the scope of which was nevertheless strengthened by the Treaty of Lisbon.

Mêlant des approches historiques, socio-anthropologiques et artistiques, la thèse entend apporter un éclairage inédit sur la situation contemporaine de la Palestine et les modalités de l’occupation, à travers l’analyse de ses mondes de l’art contemporain depuis les années 1990 qui ont vu un développement sans précédent de son infrastructure. Dans un contexte de fragmentation politique et territoriale toujours plus accrue, une nouvelle génération d’artistes a émergé qui parvient progressivement à transgresser les contraintes à l’œuvre sur le terrain, pour accéder par leurs pratiques artistiques et les visions du monde qui en découlent, aux scènes de l’art contemporain international. À travers une étude ethnographique multisituée, la thèse a pour objectif de retracer la fabrique de cet art contemporain, en se concentrant sur l’étude des artistes plasticiens des Territoires palestiniens occupés. Il s’agit d’observer leurs pratiques quotidiennes, les facteurs qui les entravent tout comme les nouvelles fenêtres d’opportunités et circulations induites par le marché de l’art globalisé. En partant des trajectoires individuelles de ces créateurs en mouvement, la recherche s’interroge sur les formes de rupture ou de continuités engendrées par la mondialisation que ce soit dans leurs modalités d’engagement (artistique et politique) ou dans leur rapport au nationalisme et ce, afin de repenser les rapports entre art et politique. / Combining historical, socio-anthropological and artistic approaches, the thesis aims to shed new light on the contemporary situation of Palestine and the modes of Occupation, through the analysis of its worlds of contemporary art since the 1990s which have seen an unprecedented development of its infrastructure. In a context of growing political and territorial fragmentation, a new generation of artists has emerged which gradually succeeds in transgressing the constraints at work on the ground, to access through their artistic practices and the resulting worldviews, to the scenes of international contemporary art.Through a multilocated ethnographic study, the thesis aims to retrace the fabrication of this contemporary art, focusing on the study of plastic artists from the Occupied Palestinian Territories. It is a question of observing their daily practices, the factors that hinder them as well as the new windows of opportunities and circulations induced by the globalized art market. Starting from the individual paths of these moving creators, the research questions the forms of rupture or continuities engendered by globalization whether in their modes of engagement (artistic and political) or in their relationship towards nationalism, in order to rethink the relationship between art and politics.

No description available.

The diploma thesis explores how the selected Czech and French media inform about the Israeli- Palestinian conflict using the operation Protective Edge, from summer 2014, as an example. Theory of the thesis is based on the relationship between power and media in society and examines reciprocal impact between political and media power. Two national daily newspapers from each country were chosen for the analysis. These two newspapers also present opposite poles of the political spectrum in each country. Media contents of the daily newspapers Mladá fronta DNES, Právo, Le Figaro and Le Monde are analysed with combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. This methodology helps to create a comprehensive image of the conflict represented by the researched media. Quantitative analysis aims to describe the balance of the coverage and differences between French and Czech media in context with the representation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The research also focuses on the impact of the foreign policy of France and the Czech Republic on media contents of the analysed media. Qualitative analysis works with smaller sample of texts and aims to present the representation of the war by the French and Czech media.

Nach dem Oslo prozess im Gaza-Streifen und Westjordanland (weiter WJGS), die palästinensische Selbstverwaltung eingesetzt wurde. Die wichtigste Frage, eine Antwort auf die diese Dissertation zu geben versucht, ist: Hat es diese Regierung geschafft, sich in ihrem ersten Jahrzehnt (1994 - 2004) zu einer staatlichen, im Sinne von einer differenzierten, zentralisierten und autonomen Organisation zu entwickeln, die das Gewaltmonopol innehat und in der Lage ist, landesweit verbindliche Gesetze zu etablieren? Die Realität nach dem Oslo-Prozess: Tatsächlich fand eine Konzentration der Macht in den Händen Arafats und einer kleinen regierenden Elite in seinem Umkreis statt. Dies geschah auf Kosten der Mehrheit der Bevölkerung, welcher der Zugang zu staatlichen Institutionen auf nationaler Ebene verwehrt wurde. Dieser Zustand der Marginalisierung der Bevölkerungsmehrheit hemmte die Durchsetzung eines demokratischen Systems nach den Prinzipien Gewaltenteilung, Verantwortlichkeit und Transparenz und erstickte die rechtsstaatlichen Ansätze im Keim. Arafat und die kleine Elite in seinem Gefolge verhinderten nicht nur den Aufstieg eines demokratischen und rechtsstaatlichen Systems, sondern auch das Aufkommen eines Verwaltungssystems, das nach fairen Prinzipien (Leistung, Kompetenz) und nicht nach informellen/persönlichen Kriterien besetzt wurde, klare Spezialisierungen und Hierarchien aufwies sowie durchschaubar war, wie Max Weber vorschlägt. Näher betrachtet, erschwerten der Friedensprozess von Oslo und seine Vereinbarungen den Aufbau von stabilen und reaktionsfähigen politischen Institutionen genauso wie den eines professionellen Verwaltungssystems. Dies geschah, da der Prozess Menschen demobilisierte (aus der Unfähigkeit heraus, die Bestrebungen Palästinas, ein selbstbestimmter souveräner Staat zu werden, wahrzunehmen), außerdem ermöglichte er Arafat und dessen kleiner Machtelite, die Macht bei sich zu konzentrieren und ein halbautokratisches, von patrimonialen Zügen gekennzeichnetes Regime einzuführen, das dem Machthaber ermöglichte, öffentliche Fonds und Institutionen auszunutzen, um sich Loyalität zu sichern und seinem Regime Legitimität zu verschaffen. Als Antwort darauf stärkten die Gegner des Prozesses von Oslo und Arafats, also die Hamas, der Islamische Djihad und PFLP ihre Institutionen und begannen parallel zu den Institutionen der Autonomiebehörde parastaatliche Funktionen auszuüben. Am wichtigsten ist die Tatsache, dass diese Institutionen von den Milizen der politischen Parteien, denen sie angegliedert sind, beschützt werden. Zum Beispiel wird die Al Salah Islamic Society von den Izz El Din El Kassam Brigaden dem militärischen Flügel derHamas beschützt. Die 'Freunde der Märtyrer' sind dem Islamischen Djihad angegliedert und werden vom militanten Flügel der Gruppe, den Al Quds Brigaden beschützt. Dementsprechend ist der Staat - im Sinne einer zentralen Organisation mit Macht zur Autoritätsausübung und einem Gewaltmonopol (wie Joel Migdal vorschlägt) nicht präsent auf der politischen Bühne in Palästina. / In 1994, the Palestinian self-government was established on the Gaza Strip and West Bank (hereinafter WBGS) as result of Oslo process. One of its main challenges of that government was how to deal with this debilitating heritage whilst promoting institutions and institutional capacity building, both of which began gaining momentum from 1994 onwards. However, the reality of the Oslo process has meant that in fact what has occurred is a concentration of power into the hand of the ruling elite (Arafat and the small elite around him) at the expense of the majority of population who were denied access to national level institutions of state functions. This state of the political marginalization (or denationalization) of the majority of population hindered the emergence of a democratic political system based on the principles of the separation of powers, accountability, and transparency, and stifled the emergence of the rule of law. Arafat and the small elite around him had not only hindered the emergence of a democratic political system, and stifled the emergence of the rule of law, but also the emergence of a bureaucratic system with a recruitment system based on achievement rather than informal/irrational criteria (competence), highly specialized and differentiated administrative role of civil servants (differentiation), and well established and thoroughly understandable system of super-ordination and sub-ordination (hierarchy) as Max Weber suggests. In response, the opponents of Oslo process & Arafat- Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and PFLP-had strengthened their institutions, and started to practice Para-state functions parallel to PA institutions (as chapter V shows). These instituions are protected by the militia of the political party with which it is affiliated, like Izz El Din El Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, and others. Accordingly, State- in the term of central organization with the power of issuing authoritative binding legal rules and monopolizing coercion (as Joel Migdal suggests)- was absent from the Palestinian scene.