When authors write fiction about real, traumatic events, they face ethical challenges about how to portray trauma and its impacts. This dissertation employs methods of close reading and application of theory to investigate authorial choices. I argue that authors writing fiction about trauma often make aesthetic choices that blur the line between figurative and literal language in order to portray bodily experiences. This dissertation takes as its subject novels from sub-Saharan Africa that depict traumas caused directly and indirectly by colonialism. Authors including David Diop (1966-) and Birago Diop (1906-1989) have used these techniques to write about tirailleurs sénégalais, West African men conscripted to serve France’s military in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. I bring these authors together with Boris Boubacar Diop (1946-) and Véronique Tadjo (1955-), who wrote books about the Rwandan genocide, because they also perform this translation for the body, asking readers to approach these works with a sensitivity to the ways the body endures trauma. The effect of these choices is a humanizing and integrated portrayal of trauma as a phenomenon that challenges the mind-body separation of cartesian influence and complicates human experience of time as linear. These works create space to think about trauma and recovery as individual as well as communal, to map similarities of human responses to trauma without pathologizing it. Ultimately, these works point to the conclusion that living through/with trauma is possible when the trauma can be incorporated into a new conception of the self.

With the seemingly infinite existence of complex emergencies and the overwhelming presence of humanitarian organizations responding to such crises, it is essential that the assumptions, precepts, and actions of humanitarian organizations be critically examined and understood. The aim of this thesis is to explore differing traditions within humanitarian thought: neutrality and solidarity. In the process, this thesis will determine whether it is possible to maintain clear ideologies in the context of a complex emergency and whether the existence of different humanitarian ideologies results in a dichotomy or polarization of humanitarian action. This study is of great import as it delves into the contemporary literature claiming that humanitarianism is currently in a state of crisis – the unsustainability of competing humanitarian ideologies operating together in a complex emergency. Primary documents from both the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) regarding their operations in the 1994 Rwandan complex emergency were examined in order to provide a foundation for the theoretical investigation. Although the ICRC and MSF occupy seemingly polarized positions in the neutrality – solidarity debate, the investigation into their humanitarian activities during the 1994 genocide and the resulting refugee crisis reflected the difficulties of providing relief based upon humanitarian ideals. Due to the complex realities of the 1994 Rwandan crisis, the ideological notions dividing the ICRC and MSF were overshadowed by the simple humanitarian desire to aid those in need.

Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Human rights denials have more characterised Rwandan history than their promotion and protection. When the Rwandan State emerged from Tutsi domination and colonialism, many Rwandans hoped that the era of liberty had at least dawned. But the reality has been a total disappointment and replicas of earlier abuses have emerged, despite the ratification by Rwanda of most international human rights instruments. This dissertation is premised on the assumption that Rwanda has failed as a democratic constitutional State, and the whole socio-economic-political system has gone wrong. Chapter one argues that disequilibrium was built into the Rwandan system before colonisation and evangelisation. There was a 'consensus' that Tutsis were a superior minority race, able to govern and dominate, well organised and accepted by their Hutu subjects. The colonists and the Catholic Church exploited this injustice for their indirect rule. In a world evolving towards the international human rights system, this had a very precarious foundation in Rwanda. Indeed, poor management of changes due to evangelisation, education and market economy led to the denial of human dignity. It exacerbated division in favour of Hutus rather than reinforcing national unity. Chapter two considers the Hutu regime as a failure of a democratic constitutional State in the postcolonial era, despite the promise to serve the interests of all Rwandans through democracy and respect for human rights. In a one-party State, a handful of Hutus have monopolised power and resources. The institutional infrastructure for the management of the State and protection of human rights was set up to safeguard the interests of the ruling group only and oppress the rest of the population. The Hutu government, particularly, took revenge on Tutsis that they killed, forced into exile and denied access to public affairs. Hutu opponents, real or imaginary, and people from other regions than that of the President were also denied such access. Separation of powers was purposely just a theory, whence a non-independent judiciary, interference of the executive in the functioning of other branches of government and abuse of legislative power became the reality. In order to perpetuate the ruling group's hegemony, civil society was hindered, while states of emergency were used to deny the right to life, liberty and the security of the person. Many other rights were also denied regardless of whether the denial was a legacy of the past or just a result of the undemocratic nature of the State and the underdevelopment of the country. The Hutu regime's failure to promote national unity resulted in a genocide which took the lives of many Tutsis and Hutus. Whereas the current Tutsi government presented itself as committed to democracy and human rights, Chapter three argues that it was a mutatis mutandis replica of the Hutu rule. Indeed, the State system and resources have been captured by a group of Tutsis while other Tutsis have been left without hope and Hutus have become second-class citizens, whence justice and national unity are in jeopardy. By avoiding to tackle the fundamental issue of nation-statehood, the United Nations have failed to maintain peace and security. The failure to condemn Ugandan aggression against Rwanda, the forced repatriation of refugees, and the non-prosecution of Tutsis involved in crimes against humanity have proved the demise of international law and the maintenance of the culture of impunity in Rwanda. The author nonetheless argues that respect for human rights and establishment of the rule of law are still possible through a process of reconciliation and reconstruction. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van Rwanda word meer deur die miskenning van menseregte as erkenning en beskerming daarvan gekenmerk. Toe die Rwandese Staat onder Tutsi oorheersing en kolonialisme uit verrys, het baie Rwandese gehoop dat die tydperk van vryheid ten minste aangebreek het, maar die werklikheid was algeheel teleurstellend en weergawes van vroeëre misbruike het weer tevore getree, ten spyte daarvan dat Rwanda die meeste internasionale werktuie vir menseregte bekragtig het. Hierdie verhandeling berus op die aanname dat Rwanda as 'n demokratiese grondwetlike staat misluk het en dat die sosio-ekonomies-politieke stelsel geheel-en-al verkeerd geloop het. Hoofstuk een argumenteer dat 'n wanbalans voor die kolonisasie en evangelisasie van die land reeds in die Rwandese stelsel ingebou is. Daar was 'konsensus' waarvolgens Tutsis beskou is as 'n superieure minderheidsras wat in staat was om te regeer en te oorheers, wat goed georganiseer was en deur hul Hutu onderdane aanvaar is. Die koloniste en die Katolieke Kerk het hierdie onreg ten voordeel van hul indirekte heerskappy uitgebuit. In 'n wêreld wat op pad was na 'n internasionale menseregtestelsel was die grondslag wat hiervoor in Rwanda gelê is uiters onseker. Swak bestuur van veranderinge wat deur evangelisasie, opvoeding en 'n mark-ekonomie teweeggebring is, het in werklikheid tot miskenning van menseregte gelei. Dit het skeiding tot voordeel van die Hutus vererger, eerder as om nasionale eenheid te versterk. Hoofstuk twee kyk na die Hutu regime as 'n mislukte demokratiese konstitusionele staat in die postkoloniale era, ten spyte van die belofte om die belange van alle Rwandese deur demokrasie en eerbied vir menseregte te dien. In die eenpartystaat het 'n handjievol Hutus die mag en hulpbronne gemonopoliseer. Die institusionele infrastruktuur vir die bestuur van die Staat is opgestel om die belange van die heersersgroep te beveilig en die res van die bevolking te onderdruk. Die Hutu regering het hul veralop Tutsis gewreek deur hulle te vermoor, tot ballingskap te dryf en hul toegang tot openbare sake te weier. Hutu teenstanders, werklik of vermeend, en mense vanaf ander streke as die waarvan die President afkomstig was, is ook van sodanige toegang weerhou. Die verspreiding van mag was doelbewus niks meer as teoreties nie, vandaar die nie-onafhanklikheid van die regbank, inmenging by die funksionering van ander vertakkings van die regering deur die uitvoerende gesag en die misbruik van die wetgewende gesag. In die poging om die regerende groep se hegemonie te bestendig, is die burgerlike samelewing belemmer en is daar van noodtoestande gebruik gemaak om die reg tot lewe, vryheid en die veiligheid van die persoon aan te tas. Baie ander regte is ook geweier, ongeag of die weiering daarvan as gevolg van die nalatenskap van die verlede of die ondemokratiese aard van die Staat en die onderontwikkeldheid van die land moontlik was. Die feit dat die Hutu regering ten opsigte van die bevordering van nasionale eenheid misluk het, het gelei na In menseslagting wat die lewens van vele Tutsis en Hutus geëis het. Terwyl die huidige Tutsi regering homself as verbonde tot demokrasie en menseregte voordoen, argumenteer Hoofstuk drie dat die regering bloot 'n mutatis mutandi weergawe van die Hutu regering is. In werklikheid is die staatsisteem en die hulpbronne deur 'n groep Tutsis gebuit, die res van die Tutsis is sonder hoop gelaat en die Hutus is tot tweederangse burgers gemaak, wat vrede en sekuriteit in gevaar stel. Met die ontwyking van die grondliggende kwessie van nasieskap, het die Verenigde Volke ten opsigte van die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit gefaal. Die onvermoë om Uganda se aggressie teenoor Rwanda te verdoem, die gedwonge repatriasie van vlugtelinge en die gebrek aan vervolging van Tutsis wat skuldig is aan misdade teen die mensheid het die afstanddoening van internasionale wetgewing en die ondersteuning van die kultuur van straffeloosheid in Rwanda bewys. Desnieteenstaande argumenteer die skrywer dat respek vir menseregte en die instelling van regsoewereiniteit nog steeds deur middel van 'n proses van versoening en heropbouing in Rwanda moontlik gemaak kan word.

This work is a contextual study of five selected biblical texts from the Fourth Gospel: John 2:1-12 and John 19:25-29; John 4:1-42; John 11:1-12:1-11 and John 18:15-17. Its aim is to read the selected texts with a Rwandan woman’s eyes, focusing on her peacemaking role and her potential as an agent of reconciliation. It is motivated by the context of the Rwandan situation during and after the catastrophic genocide of 1994. This work seeks to open the eyes of Rwandan women toward the role of peacemaking and unity-building by using a combined approach to conflict resolution. This approach includes the application of some theories in the domain of sociology, as well as the contextual biblical approach. Thus, it combines the capacity of awareness of conflicts in the community and its pain in the victim, and strives to restore the broken relationship caused by the conflict. The reading of the biblical texts with Rwandan eyes and the dialogue with the texts pointed out that the women used some tools in the gospel for success in the role of peacemaking and peace-building in their communities. The main tools are listed in the data findings of the exegesis. But mainly the transcendence of conflictual myths of origin to with kinship ties was found to be a major tool for breaking the kind of barriers which could lead to genocide. This research also highlights the failure of women in that domain because of their lack of transcendence of obligations based on regional and kinship ties. They fail to display their ubumuntu and their ubunyampinga. They rather point fingers at the victims instead of siding with or shielding them. Various suggestions are made for women to play a successful role in bringing about true and lasting peace and reconciliation, pointing out some ways in which Rwandan women can help to restore unity and trust among the population. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

In the 1994 Rwandan genocide, rape was widely used as a strategic weapon against Tutsi women. This study explored the long term psychological effects of rape experienced by these women in order to develop a middle range theory to guide the management of the lasting psychological effects of rape in the context of genocide. A Grounded Theory approach using Strauss and Corbin’s paradigm (Strauss and Corbin, 1990) was used. Data collection entailed in-depth interviews of twenty nine participants, twelve of whom were rape survivors, ten were women who had not been raped, and seven were men from their community. Open coding, axial coding and selective coding were used to analyse the data. The results have shown that women were negatively affected, physically, psychologically and socially, by the rape. Genocide Rape Trauma emerged as a concept that defines these outcomes. It includes unbearable memories, overwhelming feelings, sense of helplessness, somatic distress, negative self-image, altered intimate relationships and social isolation. The extreme brutality, the humiliation that accompanied the experience of rape and multiple losses were reported as risk factors for the lasting psychological effects of rape. These negative outcomes were maintained by poverty, poor physical health, the burden of raising the children born of rape, hostility and stigma from their community, and lack of appropriate support and effective health care services. Facilitating the management of Genocide Rape Trauma emerged as the core category of the middle range developed theory. Recovery from Genocide Rape Trauma required formal and informal support, including psychological and medical care, sensitivity in dealing with genocide rape survivors, and advocacy. Economic empowerment was a key element, while educating the community contributed to the social integration of rape survivors and their children born of rape into their community. Women had developed coping mechanisms of their own to attain psychological relief, and had organized themselves into support groups. This study contributed to clinical practice by providing a holistic approach to taking care of rape survivors. The inclusion of such theory in the curriculum of health care professionals should contribute to the understanding of the lasting impact of rape and how to handle it in an efficient manner. Key words: Rwanda, Genocide, women survivors, Genocide Rape Trauma, Management of the long term psychological effects of rape and Grounded theory. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.

"This study will demonstrate how the ICTR is developing and enforcing international humanitarian law (IHL). Already it has successfully sent out a clear message to leaders worldwide that gross human rights violations of this nature will no longer go unpunished, providing a form of deterrence. The ICTR continues to develop a rich jurisprudence on IHL that will be examined in this study. Being the first international tribunal to convict a person of genocide, the first to recognise rape as an element of genocide, and to try a woman for the crime of genocide, the ICTR jurisprudence will prove invaluable. The rules of procedure adopted by the ICTR that have greatly facilitated bringing to justice high ranking officials shall also be examined. The study will contribute to the ongoing discussion on the role of the ICTR in developing and enforcing IHL. The study will specifically give insight on how the ICTR helps the development of IHL from an African perspective, thus contributing to ending impunity not only in Rwanda but in Africa as a whole. ... Chapter two will give a background to the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, which led to the establishment of the ICTR. This section will discuss the jurisdiction, structure, and procedures of the ICTR. Chapter three will examine the development and nature of IHL and the problems regarding its enforceability. Chpater four will address the contribution made by the ICTR to the development and enforcement of IHL. Chapter five will offer some concluding remarks." -- Chapter 1. / Supervised by Mr. Emmanuel Yaw Benneh at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2001. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Previous studies of post-genocide Rwanda illutrates how nation-building and the government’s urgency to break with the past results in aims to rearrange society in order to prevent further violence and hostility. Developmental aims are also embedded in the broader project of post-genocide nation-building, adapted to promote a new and improved way of life after the genocide. This thesis examines the local experiences of parents in post-genocide Rwanda, with the specific geographical focus on the capital city of Kigali. Based on an ethnographic data collection from spring 2022, this thesis deals with the local experience of top-down rearrangements among parents in “informal” settlements in Kigali. Governmental perceptions of informality highlight the issue of risk in the urban context of post-genocide Kigali. Characterized by lack of order and formality the neighborhoods are deemed as excluded from the new societal modes and norms in the post-genocide aims of social engineering. This thesis uses the theory social engineering by James Scott (1998) to highlight the top-down measures intended to rearrange the lives of parents in “informal” settlements in Kigali. Additionally, the theoretical perspective of parenting culture is applied in order to explore the targeted regulations of parenting, as a result of government’s special interest in children as “future members of the nation” in a post-genocide context. This thesis shows that parenting culture is especially targeted by top-down regulations as a risk preventing strategy to shape the future of the nation. Working with a bottom-up perspective on top- down measures of social engineering the thesis includes the theoretical perspective of governmentality described by Mitchell Dean (2010) and Tania Murray Li (2007). Through mechanisms of self-regulation and accountability the thesis shows how regulations of parents in “informal” settlements are contested by their lack of ability and willingness to integrate top-down social engineering as meaningful rearrangements in everyday life.

Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--University of the Witwatersrand, Graduate School for Humanities and Social Sciences, 2016 / This study comparatively interrogates the representative parliamentary politics of women political elites in the subSaharan African states of posttransition Rwanda and South Africa. It analyses the relationship between women political elites and gender equality outcomes through the theoretical framework of the presupposed positive relationship that is said to exist between high levels of women’s descriptive representation and women’s substantive representation. It specifically explores this relationship through the lens of legislative outcomes passed in each state. In South Africa, this legislation takes the form of the 1998 Recognition of Customary Marriages Act and in Rwanda, the 2008 Genderbased Violence Act. This study locates the outcomes of women’s parliamentary politics in these states to the different articulation of elite patriarchal bargains negotiated by women political elites within the opportunities and constraints of parliamentary institutional contexts and the political parties represented in these regimes. I show that the higher the degree to which a ruling political party needs to privilege and emphasise women’s interests in the reproduction of political power and legitimisation of its own authority, the more favourable the terms of the elite patriarchal bargains that women political elites tacitly negotiate within political parties will be for pursuing gender equality legislative outcomes in patriarchal institutional contexts. I illustrate how political institutions located in the state never present conclusive gains or losses for women and gender equality but are contextually ambiguous and contradictory in the ways that they foster representation and locate gendered political accountability. / WS2016

[pt] Trabalhando na transversalidade entre memória e memorialização, esta tese propõe um engajamento com a materialidade a fim de explorar a memória como uma fusão de corpos (humanos e não-humanos se misturando), lugares (configurações espaço-temporais frágeis e provisórias) e práticas (ações sempre permeadas por performances e traduções), formando assemblagens mnemônicas (Freeman; Nienass; Daniell, 2016) em Ruanda no pós-genocídio. Como a memorialização em Ruanda está profundamente permeada por um tipo particular de matéria - restos humanos -, adotamos um foco corpóreo, olhando para os enredamentos entre pessoas e coisas, considerando seu embaçamento. Indo além das práticas de representação, exploramos os movimentos de fricção entre uma ampla gama de entidades que se agrupam (e desmontam) em memoriais, enfatizando seu caráter imprevisível e sublinhando suas configurações espaço-temporais provisórias. Com este movimento, esperamos energizar a paisagem com outras possibilidades além da concepção da matéria e do lugar como passivo ou estável e em direção a uma transformação mais fluida encenada no encontro entre essas entidades materiais-semióticas. Explorando encontros afetivos entre corpos e lugares, argumentamos que é apenas nesse processo que os lugares memoriais são encenados. Trabalhando sob a rubrica do novo-materialismo, sugerimos uma bricolagem de abordagens, dando conta do político em uma sensibilidade mais cooperativa-experimental (Thrift, 2008) em relação à materialidade generativa. Tal esforço nos permite lembrar e esquecer com e por meio de outros corpos, reconhecendo a importância das coisas/matéria e lugares nas práticas de memorialização em Ruanda, e convidando a participar do chamado para um envolvimento teórico e metodológico com a experiência vivida em Relações Internacionais. Mais especificamente, esta dissertação se engaja com o movimento e o fluxo dos lugares e da matéria por meio de memoriais como locais de fricção e da circularidade do corpo morto. Buscando compreender diferentes modos de agrupamentos de memória, oferecemos duas assemblagens para explorar essas diferenças: memoriais nacionais cuidadosamente projetados (Kigali, Murambi e Bisesero) e um lugar de memória espontâneo – o Rio Nyabarongo. A pesquisa destes espaços heterogêneos construídos como locais de memória é baseada em trabalho de campo realizado em Ruanda em 2011 e 2014. / [en] Working within the transversality of memory and memorialization, this dissertation proposes an engagement with materiality in order to explore memory as a fusion of bodies (human and nonhuman intermingling), places (fragile and provisional spatiotemporal configurations), and practices (actions always embedded in performances and translations), forming mnemonic assemblages (Freeman; Nienass; Daniell, 2016) in post-genocide Rwanda. As memorialization in Rwanda is deeply embedded in a particular type of matter – human remains –, we adopt a corporeal focus, looking into the entanglements between persons and things considering their blurriness. Going beyond practices of representation, we explore the movements of friction between a wide range of entities assembling (and disassembling) in memorials, stressing its unpredictable character and underlining their provisional spatiotemporal configurations. With this move, we hope to energize the landscape with other beyond the conception of matter and place as passive or stable and towards a more fluid transformation enacted in the encounter between these material-semiotic entities. Exploring affective encounters between bodies and places, we argue that it is only in this co-becoming that memorial places are enacted. Working under the rubric of new materialism, we suggest a bricolage of approaches, accounting for the political in a more co-operative-cum-experimental sensibility (Thrift, 2008) towards generative matter. Such effort enables us to remember and forget with and through other bodies, acknowledging the importance of things/matter and places in memorialization practices in Rwanda, and inviting to join the call for a theoretical and methodological engagement with the lived experience in International Relations. More specifically, this dissertation engages with movement and flux of places and matter through memorials sites as places of friction and through the circularity of the dead body. Trying to grasp different modes of memory gatherings, we offer two assemblages to explore these differences: carefully designed national-level memorial sites (Kigali, Murambi, and Bisesero) and a spontaneous place of memory – Nyabarongo River. The research on these heterogeneous spaces assembled as places of memory is based on fieldwork conducted in Rwanda in 2011 and 2014.

In 1994, almost a million Tutsi and some Hutu were massacred in Rwanda during the 100 day genocide. Between 1995 and 1998, nearly the same number of Hutu and some Tutsi died, while in flight, primarily in the former Zaire. In the years following genocide, hundreds of thousands of Rwandans have been accused of genocide related crimes. There is not a person in Rwanda who is not directly affected by past violence and the country is in a process of healing and reconciliation. Much of the violence in Rwanda can be traced to perceptions of history and identity. This thesis seeks to unearth narratives of history and identity as a way of exploring possibilities for healing and reconciliation. Through an in-depth examination of four life stories, interviews with leaders in the field of reconciliation in Rwanda and informal interviews with a broad spectrum of Rwandans, this research sheds light on the challenges and opportunities in terms of healing. It finds that through critical engagement with our own and broader socio-political narratives we can expand the possibilities of our own narratives, allowing scope for personal healing as well as leading to a deeper understanding of the other. This can form the basis for sustainable reconciliation. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2010.