Martin Luther supported the development of the early German educational system on the basis of both religious and social ideals. His impact endured in the emphasis on obedience and duty to the state evident in the north German educational system throughout the early modern period and the nineteenth century. Luther taught that the state was a gift from God and that service to the state was a personal vocation. This thesis explores the extent to which a select group of nineteenth century German philosophers and historians reflect Luther's teachings. Chapters II and III provide historiography on this topic, survey Luther's view of the state and education, and demonstrate the adherence of nineteenth century German intellectuals to these goals. Chapters IV through VII examine the works respectively of Johann Gottfried Herder, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Leopold von Ranke, and Wilhelm Dilthey, with focus on the interest each had in the reformer's work for its religious, and social content. The common themes found in these authors' works were: the analysis of the membership of the individual in the group, the stress on the uniqueness of individual persons and cultures, the belief that familial authority, as established in the Fourth Commandment, provided the basis for state authority, the view that the state was a necessary and benevolent institution, and, finally, the rejection of revolution as a means of instigating social change. This work explains the relationship between Luther's view of the state and its interpretation by later German scholars, providing specific examples of the way in which Herder, Hegel, Ranke, and Dilthey incorporated in their writings the reformer's theory of the state. It also argues for the continued importance of Luther to later German intellectuals in the area of social and political theory.

Text in German / Die wirtschaftspolitische Konzeption der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wird seit 1948 als „Soziale Marktwirtschaft“ bezeichnet. Es beruht auf den Prinzipien des Leistungswettbewerbs, geregelt durch staatliche Ordnungen und ergänzt durch einen sozialen Ausgleich. Die „Soziale Marktwirtschaft“ geht dabei einen Mittelweg zwischen einer liberalen laissezfaire Wirtschaftsordnung und einer staatlichen Planwirtschaft. Vorliegende Arbeit untersucht zum ersten Mal im Detail ein Vorläuferdokument der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft, die „Freiburger Denkschrift“ aus dem Jahr 1943. In dieser Nachkriegsordnung, eine Auftragsarbeit der „Bekennenden Kirche“, finden sich alle Grundprinzipien der später eingeführten Sozialen Marktwirtschaft, eingebettet in ein umfangreiches christliches Reformprogramm für den Wiederaufbau Deutschlands. Die Arbeit analysiert den Hintergrund der Verfasser und die Inhalte der Denkschrift. Konkret wird gezeigt, welche Überzeugungen der christlichen Ethik sich in den wirtschaftspolitischen Forderungen der Denkschrift niedergeschlagen haben. Außerdem wird die Denkschrift in den biographischen Kontext der Verfasser und die zeitgeschichtlichen theologischen Zusammenhänge eingeordnet, denn viele Thesen des Dokuments reflektieren Diskussionsprozesse der damaligen Zeit. Zudem kann gezeigt werden, dass in die Freiburger Denkschrift sowohl protestantische wie auch römisch-katholische Elemente Eingang gefunden haben. / Since 1948 the economic system of the Federal Republic of Germany is called “Social Market Economy”. It is based on the principles of competitive markets, ensured by governmental competition policy and supplemented by social insurance and public assistance. The “Social Market Economy” takes a middle road between a liberal laissez-faire economy and a a centrally planned economy. The current study examines for the first time in detail the document that preceded the “Social Market Economy,” the 1943 “Freiburg Memorandum”. In this work, commissioned by the Confessing Church of the Third Reich as a post-war system, all fundamental principles of the later “Social Market Economy” can be found embedded in a comprehensive Christian reform program for the reconstruction of Germany. This dissertation analyzes the background of the authors and the contents of the memorandum. We will show specifically which convictions of Christian ethics were incorporated into the economic-political requests of the document. In addition the memorandum will be connected to the biographical context of the authors and the theological context of their time, as many theses put forward in the document reflect discussions that were in progress at that time. Also, it can be shown that Protestant as well as Roman-Catholic elements found entrance into the “Freiburg Memorandum”. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)

Yeung Shuk Man. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-162). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / 論文摘要 --- p.ii / Acknowledgements --- p.iii / Transliteration --- p.iv / Table of Contents --- p.v / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Sending the women back home --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Connections between Germany and China --- p.20 / Post-First World War experience --- p.22 / Sino-German relationship --- p.28 / Similar characteristics in nationalistic leadership and political ideology …… --- p.36 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- "´ب´بNew women, liberated women"": The 1920s" --- p.44 / New roles and images --- p.46 / New sexualities and moralities --- p.61 / The “old´ح values --- p.70 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Women under NSDAP and GMD --- p.76 / Home and family --- p.78 / Employment --- p.97 / War years --- p.105 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Women leaders in NSDAP and GMD --- p.114 / The profile of the women leaders --- p.115 / Women organizations --- p.124 / Viewpoints of the women leaders --- p.132 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion: Nationalism and women --- p.141 / Bibliography --- p.150

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Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although Bonhoeffer is hailed by some as a type of Protestant saint, there is certainly also a plea for the realisation of the paradox in his story; Bonhoeffer consciously associated himself with a plot against the life of another man. What lead this young theologian, known for pacifistic ideals and full of promise, to participate in such a violent plot? How did Bonhoeffer, and the scholars who studied his life and work, justify his decision? How should we, as theologians and Christians in the twenty-first century, attempt to understand Bonhoeffer’s resistance and its relevance for us today? According to Bonhoeffer himself: “Christianity stands or falls with its revolutionary protest against violence, arbitrariness and pride of power and with its apologia for the weak. I feel that Christianity is rather doing too little in showing these points than too much. Christianity has adjusted itself to the worship of power. It should give much more offence, more shock to the world, than it is doing. Christianity should take a much more definite stand for the weak than to consider the potential moral right of the strong.” (Bonhoeffer, DBWE Vol 13, 2007:403) By outlining the life of Bonhoeffer and selectively focusing on his resistance with both theological and sociological lenses, aided by his own writings, as well as the work of Bethge, Mataxas, Schlingensiepen, Rogers and an array of other authors, this thesis attempts to move towards understanding this remarkable man’s steadfast struggle to not sit passively in the midst of the reign of the Third Reich in Germany and be blinded to the inhumane treatment of fellow Germans, regardless of their race or religion. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel Bonhoeffer deur sommige as ‘n soort Protestante heilige beskou word, is daar verseker ook ‘n pleidooi vir die besef van die teenstrydigheid in sy verhaal; Bonhoeffer het homself bewustelik geassosieer met ‘n komplot om die lewe van ‘n ander man te beeïndig. Wat het aanleiding gegee dat hierdie jong teoloog, bekend vir sy pasifistiese ideale en potensiaal, in so ‘n geweldadige komplot betrokke geraak het? Hoe het Bonhoeffer, en die geleerdes wat sy lewe en werk bestudeer het, sy besluit regverdig? Hoe sou ons, as teoloë en Christene in die een-en-twintigste eeu, Bonhoeffer se verset en die relevansie daarvan vir ons lewe vandag verstaan? Bonhoeffer sê self: “Die Christendom staan of val met die revolusionêre protes teen geweld, willekeur en magstrots, en met sy voorspraak vir die swakkes. Ek voel dat die Christendom eerder te min as te veel doen om hierdie aspekte te weerspieël. Die Christendom het tot die aanbidding van mag aangepas. Dit moet baie meer aanstoot gee, die wêreld meer skok, as wat dit tans doen. Die Christendom moet ‘n baie meer defnitiewe standpunt vir die swakkes inneem, eerder as om die potensiële morele reg van die sterkes te beskerm.” (Bonhoeffer, DBWE Vol 13, 2007:403) Deur Bonhoeffer se lewe uit te lê en selektief, met beide teologiese en sosiologiese lense, op sy verset te fokus, bygestaan deur sy eie geskrifte, asook die werk van Bethge, Mataxas, Schlingensiepen, Rogers en ‘n verskeidenheid ander outeurs, poog hierdie tesis om tot ‘n verstaan te kom van hierdie merkwaardige man se standvastige stryd om nie slegs passief tydens die strikbewind van die Derde Ryk te bly nie, maar ook om nie blind vir die onmenslike behandeling van mede-Duitsers nie, ongeag hulle ras of godsdiens, te wees nie.

This study examines the development of German pipe organ culture and French classical pipe organ culture from a single common origin in the Duchy of Brabant, during 1450-1850, with respect to select major attributes of organ construction, organ music and organ technique. The respective music of Dieterich Buxtehude (1637-1707), Praeludium in G Minor, BuxWV 149, for the North German contrapuntalists, and of Câesar Franck (1822- 1890), Choral No. 3 in A Minor, for the classical French symphonic tradition, is highlighted and appended with suggested technique for each work. / by Margaret R. Miller. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Doctor of Philosophy / This regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.

Bibliography: leaves 206-220.

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