No presente contexto de redistribuição de poder e da consequente reorganização da ordem mundial, as economias emergentes têm gradualmente alcançado maior espaço nas deliberações multilaterais a respeito da governança econômica global. Esta ascensão tem ocorrido em níveis e ritmos distintos em diferentes instâncias da governança econômica global, como, por exemplo, no âmbito do FMI e do G20. Estas instituições internacionais, ainda que diferentes em sua composição, formalização, estrutura e governança, possuem aspectos importantes de sua missão que se sobrepõem, como o diálogo multilateral a respeito de políticas macroeconômicas e a promoção da estabilidade econômica e financeira mundial. Considerando que as economias emergentes têm investido na consolidação de seu recém-adquirido status no sistema internacional, este estudo pretende avançar na compreensão da sua atuação nestas instituições internacionais por meio de uma análise comparativa da configuração institucional do FMI e do G20. Na segunda parte deste estudo, partindo do fato de que as economias emergentes têm empreendido esforços para que as instituições internacionais aprimorem seu modelo de representatividade, no sentido de refletir em suas decisões as posições específicas destes países, pretende-se investigar a atenção que cada uma destas instituições dedica aos temas mais caros a uma destas economias emergentes em particular, o Brasil. A hipótese que norteará a pesquisa é a de que o consenso expresso pelo G20 apresenta maior conformidade em relação ao posicionamento oficial do governo do Brasil do que aquele expresso pelo FMI. / In the present context of redistribution of power and the resulting reorganization of the global order, emerging economies have gradually attained more influence in multilateral discussions regarding global economic governance. This rising has been taking place at different levels and paces in different fora of global economic governance, such as the IMF and the G20. These international institutions, though distinct in their composition, formalization, structure and governance, share important aspects of their mission, such as the multilateral dialogue concerning macroeconomic policy and the promotion of international financial and economic stability. Taking into consideration the notion that emerging economies have been working to consolidate their recently acquired status in the international system, this study intends to contribute to the comprehension of the actions of these countries within these international institutions through a comparative analysis of the institutional configuration of the IMF and the G20. In the second part of this work, taking notice of the effort that emerging economies have been applying to the improvement of representativeness within international institutions, so they can better reflect these countries\' positions in their decisions, the present study intends to investigate the attention that both of these institutions grant to the most relevant themes according to one of these emerging economies in particular, Brazil. The hypothesis here is that the consensus expressed by the G20 shares a higher level of conformity with the official positions of the government of Brazil than that expressed by the IMF.

No presente contexto de redistribuição de poder e da consequente reorganização da ordem mundial, as economias emergentes têm gradualmente alcançado maior espaço nas deliberações multilaterais a respeito da governança econômica global. Esta ascensão tem ocorrido em níveis e ritmos distintos em diferentes instâncias da governança econômica global, como, por exemplo, no âmbito do FMI e do G20. Estas instituições internacionais, ainda que diferentes em sua composição, formalização, estrutura e governança, possuem aspectos importantes de sua missão que se sobrepõem, como o diálogo multilateral a respeito de políticas macroeconômicas e a promoção da estabilidade econômica e financeira mundial. Considerando que as economias emergentes têm investido na consolidação de seu recém-adquirido status no sistema internacional, este estudo pretende avançar na compreensão da sua atuação nestas instituições internacionais por meio de uma análise comparativa da configuração institucional do FMI e do G20. Na segunda parte deste estudo, partindo do fato de que as economias emergentes têm empreendido esforços para que as instituições internacionais aprimorem seu modelo de representatividade, no sentido de refletir em suas decisões as posições específicas destes países, pretende-se investigar a atenção que cada uma destas instituições dedica aos temas mais caros a uma destas economias emergentes em particular, o Brasil. A hipótese que norteará a pesquisa é a de que o consenso expresso pelo G20 apresenta maior conformidade em relação ao posicionamento oficial do governo do Brasil do que aquele expresso pelo FMI. / In the present context of redistribution of power and the resulting reorganization of the global order, emerging economies have gradually attained more influence in multilateral discussions regarding global economic governance. This rising has been taking place at different levels and paces in different fora of global economic governance, such as the IMF and the G20. These international institutions, though distinct in their composition, formalization, structure and governance, share important aspects of their mission, such as the multilateral dialogue concerning macroeconomic policy and the promotion of international financial and economic stability. Taking into consideration the notion that emerging economies have been working to consolidate their recently acquired status in the international system, this study intends to contribute to the comprehension of the actions of these countries within these international institutions through a comparative analysis of the institutional configuration of the IMF and the G20. In the second part of this work, taking notice of the effort that emerging economies have been applying to the improvement of representativeness within international institutions, so they can better reflect these countries\' positions in their decisions, the present study intends to investigate the attention that both of these institutions grant to the most relevant themes according to one of these emerging economies in particular, Brazil. The hypothesis here is that the consensus expressed by the G20 shares a higher level of conformity with the official positions of the government of Brazil than that expressed by the IMF.

The EU-Russia Energy Dialogue was launched in October 2000. Its goal was a binding energy agreement between Russia and the European Union, and possibly a wider political partnership. Today, however, the Energy Dialogue seems all but forgotten. How and why did the EU-Russia Energy Dialogue fail to define and create a legally binding energy partnership? There is scant literature about the Energy Dialogue. To the limited extent that the literature addresses the failure, it identifies either ideational, political, economic, geo- economic or institutional variables. But this separation is artificial. To bridge this divide I have developed a novel analytical framework using narratives and Bakhtin’s theory of dialogue. In this respect, the thesis is ideational or constructivist. However, unlike conventional constructivist accounts, which tend to downplay politics, this account emphasises power and conflict: Not dialogue as dual meaning, but many meanings, or ‘heterologue’. Narratives, as opposed to variables, are always in flux. To answer the how question: The dialogue failed because it could not forge a common narrative for the EU-Russia energy trade. Russia sought investment, whereas the EU wanted legal reform. Yet, the Energy Dialogue was a heterologue of conflicting narratives, both between and within Russia and the EU. I have coined six narrative clusters, used as Weberian ideal types: The ‘EUropean’, ‘EU15/25/27’, ‘Euro-Asian’, ‘Dual State’, ‘Statist’ and ‘Post-Imperial’ narratives. To answer the why question: Narratives unfold in time-space, and the initial misgivings were exacerbated by pre-existing narrative divergences (chapter 1), but also by subsequent political (chapter 2), business (chapter 3), geo-economic (chapter 4) and legal developments (chapter 5) – all influenced by the ebbs and flows of world oil prices. Thus, the failure of the Energy Dialogue was never pre-determined, or caused by a singular factor or event. It was shaped in the multidimensional, unfolding time-space of Russo-European relations.

This thesis argues that corporations have outgrown the theoretical frameworks that were devised to explain their dynamics at the turn of the 20th century. Contemporary conditions result in crises of legitimacy between corporations and their public contexts. With their amplified scales of operation and wide-reaching physical, economic, political, and social consequences, corporations of the 21st century demand revised theoretical, legal, and pragmatic interpretations that are better suited to grappling with present-day dynamics and to addressing critical challenges. This research examines contemporary controversies between corporations and publics from a critical legal perspective. Analysis of corporate dynamics is informed by geographically oriented themes of space and scale, contingency and attribution, and materiality and risk as they bear relevance to theoretical and real enactments of the corporation. This thesis grounds its claims with reference to the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) discourse; taking advantage of its reach and popularity while maintaining enough distance to note its limitations and internal contradictions. This thesis finds that the present-day account of CSR is originated and advanced by an ideological orientation that is universalizing, materialist, positivist, formalist and rationalist. Such an orientation is confronted and contested in this work by a more critical rationality that is concerned with power dynamics, as well as questions of agency and self-determination. This rationality is elaborated through four empirical chapters which find that: 1) appeals to a CSR agenda as an effective mechanism for addressing the corporation’s public impacts assumes the existence of a modern, liberal political context; 2) community ‘materiality’ presents an opportunity to bridge the notional public/private divide that is a core tenet of liberal theory; 3) the global corporation extends into plural territorialities and legal jurisdictions, and its public identity as interpreted through legal text sets the parameters for the accountability regimes devised to manage its impacts 4) pragmatist and aspirational legal agendas might be coordinated to advance issue-focused as well as case-based corporate liability reform. This work advances an account of the corporate-public relationship that carries relevance to a range of actors; corporations, public communities, policy makers and legal scholars. Each group has an integral part to play in addressing the challenges presented by the modern corporate arrangement and devising regimes that contain its public implications.

Following the controversial Federal election in Ethiopia in 2005, in which the ruling party regained power amidst allegations of state-sanctioned violence, the World Bank, along with other bilateral donors, stopped providing Direct Budget Support. In 2006, the Bank formed an agreement with the Ethiopian Government for an International Development Association (IDA) grant for the Protection of Basic Services. The project design for the grant was one of the most complex in the Bank's operations worldwide and featured a component for the implementation of social accountability, financed by a Multi-donor Trust Fund. This thesis critically examines the evolution within the Bank of this policy of 'social accountability' in relation to aid. Situated within the literature on the re-politicisation of aid, it questions the plausibility of implementing such a policy in Ethiopia where the dominant party was seeking ways to extend its power over society. Fieldwork for this thesis was conducted at the World Bank in Washington D.C. and in Ethiopia: in Addis Ababa, and in the region of Tigray. The evidence assembled in this thesis is drawn from 135 semi-structured interviews and a range of primary source documents. Using an historical method, this thesis argues that the primary purpose of social accountability was rhetorical and the deployment of this language by actors was cynical. Not only did donors have a limited purchase on a complex social reality in Ethiopia, but they also tolerated the misuse of social accountability by the dominant party to extend the power of the state. What was produced in Ethiopia was radically outside of what donors imagined, although they were remarkably relaxed about this fact. This thesis challenges the conventional assumptions that actors in aid negotiations are rational and that aid programs involve the imposition of rationalising high-modernist schemes.

This thesis examines the EU's influence on regional cooperation in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Mercosur in South America and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) by drawing on concepts from diffusion studies. It argues that conventional perspectives have tended to view different cases of regionalism as independent phenomena reflecting particular structural, institutional or ideational conditions, mainly internal to the respective region itself. I propose instead to conceive of regional organisations as asymmetrically interdependent, in that the EU as the most successful regional grouping in the international system influences other regional organisations in important respects; yet in ways that are ill-captured by the conventional depiction of external influence as a form of coercion. The central question addressed in this thesis is thus: Under what conditions and in what ways does the EU affect the trajectory of formal rules in regional cooperation elsewhere? I advance three main arguments. First, I suggest that given the EU's ideational and material power in global regionalism, it is likely to act as a focal point in debates about regional rule change around which actors' expectations converge when being confronted with an exogenous cooperation problem. This renders EU influence difficult to escape. Second, I argue that there are two dynamics by which EU influence affects outcomes in global regionalism - the EU as switchman and as driver. While the former leads policy-makers to choose EU-type rules instead of similarly viable alternatives given a particular cooperation problem, the latter affects the very incentives for regional rule change and thereby acts as an independent driver of regional cooperation. Third, I argue that, in terms of outcomes, EU influence has been highest in SADC, lower in Mercosur and lowest in ASEAN, mainly reflecting different degrees of material and ideational interdependence between the EU and other regions. Yet, policy-makers' widespread reluctance to share national sovereignty has sharply delineated the boundaries of EU influence in all three regions. I test these arguments across three central areas of regional cooperation: market building, institution building and community building.

This thesis addresses the puzzle of why changes in relative donor contributions to the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA) did not reflect shifts in their relative economic capabilities. It addresses the grand debates about how power transitions shape a US-led hegemonic international system by exploring one specific international organisation. Drawing primarily on archives, elite interviews, and participant observation, I examine sixteen rounds of IDA replenishment negotiations from 1960 to 2010. There are three puzzles a close empirical analysis throws up. The first is why the hegemon maintained its burden shares regardless of rise or fall in economic status; I call this ‘Hegemonic Lag’. The second is why ascending powers were slow to assume greater burden-shares despite economic ascents; I call this ‘Challenger Inertia.’ The third puzzle is why significant burden-shifting occurred on a much greater scale than shifts in relative economic weight; I call this ‘Accelerated Burden-Shifting.’ Two conventional explanations – donors’ relative ‘ability-to-pay’ and their ‘country-specific interests’ – offer a first-cut analysis of donors’ ability and willingness to contribute. However, they fail to uncover how bipolar geopolitics and World Bank governance shaped IDA burden-sharing dynamics. This thesis tests whether the hegemon will maintain its shares even if its relative economic capacity wanes, if its bipolar rival poses a more intense external threat. Equally it tests whether a hegemon and/or waning powers with a desire to expand total IDA resources will cede voting rights to ascending powers in exchange for financial support to IDA. Finally, the research examines whether a hegemon violating the ‘fairness’ principle by shirking obligations but pursuing undue influence will face secondary states willing to take ‘exit/voice’ measures to restore an implicit contribution-to-influence equity line; and whether such countermeasures would be postponed if secondary states are structurally dependent upon the hegemon and/or lack viable outside options. In-depth case studies are used to test these hypotheses. Overall the thesis reveals that the US maintained or cut its burden share as the Soviet threat waxed and waned; and that as the Soviet Union collapsed the US abandoned both its leadership for IDA expansion to counter the Soviet threat and its self-restraint in controlling the World Bank, provoking the fairness concern among secondary states – the most potent factor in explaining IDA burden-sharing dynamics in the post-Cold War era.

This thesis investigates the place of African states in the international system and seeks to understand what space exists for aid-dependent governments to exercise agency in relations with donors. In exploring these issues I focus on the case of Uganda’s NRM regime which has enjoyed very substantial international support despite its increasingly authoritarian nature, destabilising regional policy and questionable human rights record. The two central questions posed are therefore: ‘why has Uganda benefited from such uncritical international support and what role has the NRM regime itself played in bringing about this situation?’ The thesis also compares Uganda’s experience to those of Ethiopia, Kenya and Rwanda to demonstrate the broader relevance of these questions. I argue that donors have taken a lenient approach to Uganda because they perceive it as valuable as an economic success story, an ally in the ‘War on Terror’ and a guarantor of regional stability. The study stresses, however, that these perceptions are just that: perceptions. They do not necessarily reflect reality nor are they formed without input from Africa, as some inadvertently suggest. Indeed, the principal contention of this thesis is that these three donor perceptions of Uganda have been actively constructed, moulded, managed and bolstered by Kampala itself in an effort to shore-up international support. Using a variety of ‘image management’ strategies the regime has succeeded in convincing its donors to see it as a valuable ally worth supporting. The same is true of the Rwandan and Ethiopian governments, I suggest, but not of the Kenyan. In doing so, the thesis contends, Kampala has carved out a subtle but substantial degree of agency in relations with donors and this raises important questions for scholars and policy-makers.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-05T19:23:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Melissa Rejane Grangeiro de Sousa.pdf: 1186009 bytes, checksum: f0887ff40ffd6ac1393fbcbdb63540e4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-05T19:23:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Melissa Rejane Grangeiro de Sousa.pdf: 1186009 bytes, checksum: f0887ff40ffd6ac1393fbcbdb63540e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-01 / CAPES / This master thesis aims to discuss the changes in global economic governance through the analysis of the Voice Reforms in the World Bank and the creation of the BRICS Bank. Through an exploratory, bibliographical and documentary research, it analyzes how the countries are represented in the World Bank decision-making process, the performance of this international institution on the political scene, as well as what represents the creation of a new economic institution by a group of emerging countries. In the first chapter, the concept of global governance will be discussed from its emergence and consolidation in the study of international relations and how it was an important ally to understand the changes in the global order, especially in the economic area, including at this time the global economic governance. Then, in the second chapter, the World Bank will be examined from the point of view of its origin, its political structure and the reform to which it was subjected. Finally, the third chapter analyzes the impact of the Voice Reform - which was an initiative led by developing and emerging countries to achieve a series of changes in the composition of the World Bank shares- and then evaluates its main outcomes. Also in this chapter, the emergence of the BRICS will be presented, the Bank created by this group, the New Development Bank, and the prospects and challenges that a change in Bank policy composition can bring both to their internal organization as to its performance in the current international order. As a conclusion of this study, there is a need to implement effective reforms in the global economic governance that can promote the democratic participation of countries and then the international institution will effectively make its role in the new world order. The demand for a more equitable participation in the economic scenario explains the creation of the Bank of the BRICS, which is therefore a moment for reflection about the current power structures that dominate the international economic area and that do not reflect the economic weight of the countries that compose. / Essa dissertação tem como objetivo discutir as alterações da governança econômica global a partir da análise das reformas de voz do Banco Mundial e da criação do Banco dos BRICS. Por meio de uma pesquisa exploratória, bibliográfica e documental, será analisada a forma como os países estão representados nas instâncias decisórias do Banco Mundial e a atuação dessa instituição na cena política internacional, bem como o que representa a criação de uma nova instituição econômica por parte de um grupo de países emergentes. No primeiro capítulo, o conceito de governança global será discutido a partir do seu surgimento e consolidação no estudo das relações internacionais e como ele foi um importante aliado na compreensão das mudanças da ordem global, sobretudo na seara econômica, abrangendo assim a governança econômica global. Em sequência, no segundo capítulo, o Banco Mundial será analisado do ponto de vista da sua origem, da sua estrutura política e da reforma a que foi submetido. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo aborda o impacto do Voice Reform, isto é, uma iniciativa liderada por países em desenvolvimento e emergentes buscando uma série de mudanças na composição das cotas do Banco, e avalia os seus principais resultados. Ainda neste capítulo, será apresentado a emergência dos BRICS e do Banco lançado por esse grupo, o New Development Bank, bem como as perspectivas e desafios que uma alteração na composição política do Banco Mundial poderá trazer tanto para a sua organização interna como para sua atuação na atual ordem internacional. Como conclusão deste estudo, constata-se a necessidade de implementar reformas efetivas na governança econômica global para que assim seja possível a participação democrática dos países e para que dessa forma uma instituição internacional possa cumprir de maneira eficaz o seu papel na nova ordem mundial. A demanda por uma participação mais equitativa no cenário econômico explica a criação do Banco dos BRICS, sendo este, portanto, um momento de reflexão das atuais estruturas de poder que dominam a seara econômica internacional e que não refletem o peso econômico dos países que a compõe.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-12T20:20:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Melissa Rejane Grangeiro de Sousa.pdf: 31030426 bytes, checksum: 6d4a52da34df35b4b7600ebcce762ada (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-12T20:20:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Melissa Rejane Grangeiro de Sousa.pdf: 31030426 bytes, checksum: 6d4a52da34df35b4b7600ebcce762ada (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-01 / CAPES / This master thesis aims to discuss the changes in global economic governance through the analysis of the Voice Reforms in the World Bank and the creation of the BRICS Bank. Through an exploratory, bibliographical and documentary research, it analyzes how the countries are represented in the World Bank decision-making process, the performance of this international institution on the political scene, as well as what represents the creation of a new economic institution by a group of emerging countries. In the first chapter, the concept of global governance will be discussed from its emergence and consolidation in the study of international relations and how it was an important ally to understand the changes in the global order, especially in the economic area, including at this time the global economic governance. Then, in the second chapter, the World Bank will be examined from the point of view of its origin, its political structure and the reform to which it was subjected. Finally, the third chapter analyzes the impact of the Voice Reform - which was an initiative led by developing and emerging countries to achieve a series of changes in the composition of the World Bank shares- and then evaluates its main outcomes. Also in this chapter, the emergence of the BRICS will be presented, the Bank created by this group, the New Development Bank, and the prospects and challenges that a change in Bank policy composition can bring both to their internal organization as to its performance in the current international order. As a conclusion of this study, there is a need to implement effective reforms in the global economic governance that can promote the democratic participation of countries and then the international institution will effectively make its role in the new world order. The demand for a more equitable participation in the economic scenario explains the creation of the Bank of the BRICS, which is therefore a moment for reflection about the current power structures that dominate the international economic area and that do not reflect the economic weight of the countries that compose. / Essa dissertação tem como objetivo discutir as alterações da governança econômica global a partir da análise das reformas de voz do Banco Mundial e da criação do Banco dos BRICS. Por meio de uma pesquisa exploratória, bibliográfica e documental, será analisada a forma como os países estão representados nas instâncias decisórias do Banco Mundial e a atuação dessa instituição na cena política internacional, bem como o que representa a criação de uma nova instituição econômica por parte de um grupo de países emergentes. No primeiro capítulo, o conceito de governança global será discutido a partir do seu surgimento e consolidação no estudo das relações internacionais e como ele foi um importante aliado na compreensão das mudanças da ordem global, sobretudo na seara econômica, abrangendo assim a governança econômica global. Em sequência, no segundo capítulo, o Banco Mundial será analisado do ponto de vista da sua origem, da sua estrutura política e da reforma a que foi submetido. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo aborda o impacto do Voice Reform, isto é, uma iniciativa liderada por países em desenvolvimento e emergentes buscando uma série de mudanças na composição das cotas do Banco, e avalia os seus principais resultados. Ainda neste capítulo, será apresentado a emergência dos BRICS e do Banco lançado por esse grupo, o New Development Bank, bem como as perspectivas e desafios que uma alteração na composição política do Banco Mundial poderá trazer tanto para a sua organização interna como para sua atuação na atual ordem internacional. Como conclusão deste estudo, constatase a necessidade de implementar reformas efetivas na governança econômica global para que assim seja possível a participação democrática dos países e para que dessa forma uma instituição internacional possa cumprir de maneira eficaz o seu papel na nova ordem mundial. A demanda por uma participação mais equitativa no cenário econômico explica a criação do Banco dos BRICS, sendo este, portanto, um momento de reflexão das atuais estruturas de poder que dominam a seara econômica internacional e que não refletem o peso econômico dos países que a compõe