No presente contexto de redistribuição de poder e da consequente reorganização da ordem mundial, as economias emergentes têm gradualmente alcançado maior espaço nas deliberações multilaterais a respeito da governança econômica global. Esta ascensão tem ocorrido em níveis e ritmos distintos em diferentes instâncias da governança econômica global, como, por exemplo, no âmbito do FMI e do G20. Estas instituições internacionais, ainda que diferentes em sua composição, formalização, estrutura e governança, possuem aspectos importantes de sua missão que se sobrepõem, como o diálogo multilateral a respeito de políticas macroeconômicas e a promoção da estabilidade econômica e financeira mundial. Considerando que as economias emergentes têm investido na consolidação de seu recém-adquirido status no sistema internacional, este estudo pretende avançar na compreensão da sua atuação nestas instituições internacionais por meio de uma análise comparativa da configuração institucional do FMI e do G20. Na segunda parte deste estudo, partindo do fato de que as economias emergentes têm empreendido esforços para que as instituições internacionais aprimorem seu modelo de representatividade, no sentido de refletir em suas decisões as posições específicas destes países, pretende-se investigar a atenção que cada uma destas instituições dedica aos temas mais caros a uma destas economias emergentes em particular, o Brasil. A hipótese que norteará a pesquisa é a de que o consenso expresso pelo G20 apresenta maior conformidade em relação ao posicionamento oficial do governo do Brasil do que aquele expresso pelo FMI. / In the present context of redistribution of power and the resulting reorganization of the global order, emerging economies have gradually attained more influence in multilateral discussions regarding global economic governance. This rising has been taking place at different levels and paces in different fora of global economic governance, such as the IMF and the G20. These international institutions, though distinct in their composition, formalization, structure and governance, share important aspects of their mission, such as the multilateral dialogue concerning macroeconomic policy and the promotion of international financial and economic stability. Taking into consideration the notion that emerging economies have been working to consolidate their recently acquired status in the international system, this study intends to contribute to the comprehension of the actions of these countries within these international institutions through a comparative analysis of the institutional configuration of the IMF and the G20. In the second part of this work, taking notice of the effort that emerging economies have been applying to the improvement of representativeness within international institutions, so they can better reflect these countries\' positions in their decisions, the present study intends to investigate the attention that both of these institutions grant to the most relevant themes according to one of these emerging economies in particular, Brazil. The hypothesis here is that the consensus expressed by the G20 shares a higher level of conformity with the official positions of the government of Brazil than that expressed by the IMF.

No presente contexto de redistribuição de poder e da consequente reorganização da ordem mundial, as economias emergentes têm gradualmente alcançado maior espaço nas deliberações multilaterais a respeito da governança econômica global. Esta ascensão tem ocorrido em níveis e ritmos distintos em diferentes instâncias da governança econômica global, como, por exemplo, no âmbito do FMI e do G20. Estas instituições internacionais, ainda que diferentes em sua composição, formalização, estrutura e governança, possuem aspectos importantes de sua missão que se sobrepõem, como o diálogo multilateral a respeito de políticas macroeconômicas e a promoção da estabilidade econômica e financeira mundial. Considerando que as economias emergentes têm investido na consolidação de seu recém-adquirido status no sistema internacional, este estudo pretende avançar na compreensão da sua atuação nestas instituições internacionais por meio de uma análise comparativa da configuração institucional do FMI e do G20. Na segunda parte deste estudo, partindo do fato de que as economias emergentes têm empreendido esforços para que as instituições internacionais aprimorem seu modelo de representatividade, no sentido de refletir em suas decisões as posições específicas destes países, pretende-se investigar a atenção que cada uma destas instituições dedica aos temas mais caros a uma destas economias emergentes em particular, o Brasil. A hipótese que norteará a pesquisa é a de que o consenso expresso pelo G20 apresenta maior conformidade em relação ao posicionamento oficial do governo do Brasil do que aquele expresso pelo FMI. / In the present context of redistribution of power and the resulting reorganization of the global order, emerging economies have gradually attained more influence in multilateral discussions regarding global economic governance. This rising has been taking place at different levels and paces in different fora of global economic governance, such as the IMF and the G20. These international institutions, though distinct in their composition, formalization, structure and governance, share important aspects of their mission, such as the multilateral dialogue concerning macroeconomic policy and the promotion of international financial and economic stability. Taking into consideration the notion that emerging economies have been working to consolidate their recently acquired status in the international system, this study intends to contribute to the comprehension of the actions of these countries within these international institutions through a comparative analysis of the institutional configuration of the IMF and the G20. In the second part of this work, taking notice of the effort that emerging economies have been applying to the improvement of representativeness within international institutions, so they can better reflect these countries\' positions in their decisions, the present study intends to investigate the attention that both of these institutions grant to the most relevant themes according to one of these emerging economies in particular, Brazil. The hypothesis here is that the consensus expressed by the G20 shares a higher level of conformity with the official positions of the government of Brazil than that expressed by the IMF.

Analyzing the political, legal, and cultural outcomes of the protests against the 2017 G20 Summit in Hamburg (the NoG20 protests), this thesis departs from the observation that violent protests may produce outcomes that seem counterintuitive at first sight. After the NoG20 protests, Hamburg’s government introduced a police identification statute that required officers to wear individually assigned codes during riot police operations. This was intended to make police more accountable to the public by allowing recognition of specific officers in cases of alleged misbehavior. This policy change seemed surprising, given that the heavy escalations of violence that characterized the protests were primarily attributed to the NoG20 activists, rather than to police. This thesis examines this seeming paradox from three different perspectives: first, from a policy-process perspective that reconstructs the decision in its temporal context; second, from a legal perspective that focuses on the interplay of political decision-making and judicial review of the occurrences; and third, from a discourse-oriented perspective that analyzes changes in the discursive opportunity structure associated with the NoG20 protests. The overall analysis indicates that protests may have multiple outcomes that a) may be interlinked, b) may both constrain and enable collective and legislative action, c) may be unintended by both collective and institutional actors, and d) should be analyzed in their historical context, as they may be the result of processes that began well before a given protest. This thesis finds that the decision to introduce a police identification statute was the outcome of a complex meaning-making process—a series of “struggles over credibility” between state authorities and NoG20 activists as well as their supporters that were played out in various arenas, including parliament, the media, and the courts. The findings suggest that rather than “triggering” change or adding entirely new topics to decision-makers’ agendas, the NoG20 protests functioned as a “focusing event,” a “catalyst” for change, intervening in ongoing, long-term processes. In terms of methodology, this thesis contributes to the literature by demonstrating that a processual approach that pays particular attention to temporal sequence and the dynamic interactions among collective actors and other actors can help to address one of the major challenges of outcome research—to establish a link between collective action and an observed outcome. On the conceptual level, the thesis contributes to the literature in several ways. First, it demonstrates that moving beyond the “success” or “failure” understanding that is particularly dominant in policy-related outcome research can help overcome some of the field’s shortcomings and broaden its analytical scope as it draws our attention to potentially new phenomena, including the unintended effects of collective action. Second, it benefits our understanding of the outcomes of both collective action—violent or not—and repression by viewing outcomes as “snapshots” (i.e., intermediate results of a process in which change is still underway). Finally, it potentially helps to resolve some of the inconsistencies inherent in particular research on the effects of repression by promoting understanding of the temporality inherent in state responses to collective action, whether they are legal or political.

Desde a criação da OMC em 1995, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento intensificaram a busca por uma ação coordenada mais efetiva e, principalmente durante a Rodada Doha, passaram a influenciar o processo de tomada de decisão por meio da criação de coalizões internacionais. A atuação paradigmática do Brasil no processo de formação e atuação do G20 fez com que o país se tornasse um eminente player nas negociações agrícolas da Rodada de Desenvolvimento de Doha e entrasse de maneira definitiva no alto nível decisório da Organização. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é explorar o debate relacionado à atuação das coalizões internacionais, bem como identificar os elementos que constituem a liderança política nesse modo de ação coletiva, sobretudo no que se relaciona ao caso da atuação do Brasil no G20 durante as negociações da Rodada Doha da OMC. / Since the creation of the WTO in 1995, developed and developing countries intensified the demand for a more effective and coordinated action, especially during the Doha Round, and began to influence the decision making process through the creation of international coalitions. The paradigmatic role of Brazil in the formation and performance of the G20 has rendered the country a prominent position in the agricultural negotiations of the Doha Development Round. Thus, the objective of this paper is to explore the debate related to the performance of international coalitions, and to identify the elements that constitute the political leadership in this mode of collective action, especially with regard to the case of Brazil\'s role in G20 during negotiations of the WTO Doha Round.

A análise do comportamento negociador de potências emergentes pode ser considerada como um dos indicadores do posicionamento desses países em um momento de transição de poder na ordem internacional. O modo como esse grupo de países defende seus interesses em uma mesa de negociação assim como as coalizões e estratégias que eles criam para atingir seus objetivos são aspectos definidores de suas políticas externas. A análise de como potências emergentes negociam pode revelar o tipo de potência que esses países podem se tornar em uma nova ordem global. Esta pesquisa investiga como o Brasil negocia para se tornar um tomador de decisão influente no Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI), analisando se a abordagem brasileira em relação à atual ordem internacional é revisionista ou integracionista. O objeto dessa pesquisa é o comportamento negociador brasileiro no processo negociador que culminou em um novo acordo sobre a distribuição de quotas no FMI em 2010 durante a reunião ministerial do G20, na cidade sul-coreana Gyeongju. O argumento que se desenvolve ao longo do artigo é o de que a crise financeira de 2008 e o crescimento e a estabilidade da economia brasileira na década de 2000 aumentou o poder de barganha dos negociadores brasileiros nas negociações para a reforma do FMI. A conclusão da análise mostra que longe de ser revisionista o comportamento negociador revela estratégias de negociação que visam a integrar o país à ordem existente, buscando seu fortalecimento. / The analysis of the negotiation behavior of rising powers expresses one of the few indicators on their nature at a time of transition in the international order. How countries defend their interests at a table of negotiation as well as the coalitions and strategies they build to achieve their objectives are essential features of their foreign policy. The analysis of how emerging powers negotiate can reveal the type of power these countries may become in a forthcoming world order. This paper thus investigates how Brazil negotiates to become a major stakeholder in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), analyzing whether its approach toward the established order is either revisionist or integrationist. The object of this investigation is Brazilian negotiation behavior on the negotiations of the IMF ?s quota reform agreed in 2010 in Gyeongju (G20 Ministerial meeting), South Korea. It argues that the 2008 ?s financial crisis as well as the emergence of Brazil as an economic powerhouse provided Brazilian negotiators with an increased bargain power to reform the IMF. The outcome of the analysis demonstrates that rather than revisionist Brazilian strategies of negation aim to integrate the country in existing institutions.

A análise do comportamento negociador de potências emergentes pode ser considerada como um dos indicadores do posicionamento desses países em um momento de transição de poder na ordem internacional. O modo como esse grupo de países defende seus interesses em uma mesa de negociação assim como as coalizões e estratégias que eles criam para atingir seus objetivos são aspectos definidores de suas políticas externas. A análise de como potências emergentes negociam pode revelar o tipo de potência que esses países podem se tornar em uma nova ordem global. Esta pesquisa investiga como o Brasil negocia para se tornar um tomador de decisão influente no Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI), analisando se a abordagem brasileira em relação à atual ordem internacional é revisionista ou integracionista. O objeto dessa pesquisa é o comportamento negociador brasileiro no processo negociador que culminou em um novo acordo sobre a distribuição de quotas no FMI em 2010 durante a reunião ministerial do G20, na cidade sul-coreana Gyeongju. O argumento que se desenvolve ao longo do artigo é o de que a crise financeira de 2008 e o crescimento e a estabilidade da economia brasileira na década de 2000 aumentou o poder de barganha dos negociadores brasileiros nas negociações para a reforma do FMI. A conclusão da análise mostra que longe de ser revisionista o comportamento negociador revela estratégias de negociação que visam a integrar o país à ordem existente, buscando seu fortalecimento. / The analysis of the negotiation behavior of rising powers expresses one of the few indicators on their nature at a time of transition in the international order. How countries defend their interests at a table of negotiation as well as the coalitions and strategies they build to achieve their objectives are essential features of their foreign policy. The analysis of how emerging powers negotiate can reveal the type of power these countries may become in a forthcoming world order. This paper thus investigates how Brazil negotiates to become a major stakeholder in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), analyzing whether its approach toward the established order is either revisionist or integrationist. The object of this investigation is Brazilian negotiation behavior on the negotiations of the IMF ?s quota reform agreed in 2010 in Gyeongju (G20 Ministerial meeting), South Korea. It argues that the 2008 ?s financial crisis as well as the emergence of Brazil as an economic powerhouse provided Brazilian negotiators with an increased bargain power to reform the IMF. The outcome of the analysis demonstrates that rather than revisionist Brazilian strategies of negation aim to integrate the country in existing institutions.

Desde a criação da OMC em 1995, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento intensificaram a busca por uma ação coordenada mais efetiva e, principalmente durante a Rodada Doha, passaram a influenciar o processo de tomada de decisão por meio da criação de coalizões internacionais. A atuação paradigmática do Brasil no processo de formação e atuação do G20 fez com que o país se tornasse um eminente player nas negociações agrícolas da Rodada de Desenvolvimento de Doha e entrasse de maneira definitiva no alto nível decisório da Organização. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é explorar o debate relacionado à atuação das coalizões internacionais, bem como identificar os elementos que constituem a liderança política nesse modo de ação coletiva, sobretudo no que se relaciona ao caso da atuação do Brasil no G20 durante as negociações da Rodada Doha da OMC. / Since the creation of the WTO in 1995, developed and developing countries intensified the demand for a more effective and coordinated action, especially during the Doha Round, and began to influence the decision making process through the creation of international coalitions. The paradigmatic role of Brazil in the formation and performance of the G20 has rendered the country a prominent position in the agricultural negotiations of the Doha Development Round. Thus, the objective of this paper is to explore the debate related to the performance of international coalitions, and to identify the elements that constitute the political leadership in this mode of collective action, especially with regard to the case of Brazil\'s role in G20 during negotiations of the WTO Doha Round.

Desulfovibrio alaskensis G20 and other sulfate-reducing bacteria cause significant damage to metal pipelines and other infrastructure through a metabolic pathway that releases toxic hydrogen sulfide into their surroundings. The biocorrosion that results from the release of hydrogen sulfide creates significant economic burden, and can pose health risks for those exposed to this chemical. They are commonly present in the form of biofilms, an extracellular matrix composed of bacterial cells, polysaccharides, proteins, nucleic acids, and other materials. These biofilms are difficult to remove, and they provide protection to the bacteria within from anti-bacterial treatments. Desulfovibrio alaskensis G20 is a strain derived from a wild-type bacterium collected from an oil well corrosion site and is a model organism for understanding biofilm formation of sulfate-reducing bacteria and how these biofilms can be prevented or inhibited by techniques such as cerium oxide nanoparticle coating. To this end, samples of Desulfovibrio alaskensis G20 were grown anaerobically in 24-well and 96-well plates, and the resultant biofilm growth was measured through spectrophotometry. Several different environmental parameters were tested, including temperature, electron donor molecules, basal and enriched growth media, and oxidative stress, revealing several affinities for production of biofilm growth.

I propose a simple approach to trade cooperation in economic shocks. A two-country, two-good trade model provides a stage setting. In a dynamic model, international demand for traded goods is allowed to be subject to sudden shocks. Numerical simulations predict that negative, sustained demand shocks may spark trade wars. Negative demand shocks that are short relative to the period it takes for governments to detect violations render instead incentives in free trade agreements more robust. I find that the multilateral policy response to the 2008 crisis - to temporarily enhance multilateral information mechanisms - may have worked to strengthen this effect. / I den här uppsatsen analyseras incitament i handelsavtal under ekonomiska chocker utifrån grundläggande spelteori. Jag finner att långa lågkonjunkturer påverkar incitamenten på ett sätt som kan få parterna att frångå avtalet och starta ett tullkrig. Korta lågkonjunkturer stärker i stället incitamenten i avtalet. Jag argumenterar för att brytpunkten mellan en tullkrigsutlösande lågkonjunktur och en incitamentstärkande lågkonjunktur kan regleras genom att tillfälligt stärka informationsmekanismerna kring avtalet och att de multilaterala åtgärderna i krisens spår kan ha haft den effekten.

Syfte: Det har riktats stor uppmärksamhet mot företagens sociala ansvar under senaste decennierna och CSR har därmed blivit en alltmer viktig fråga för företag och dess intressenter. Huruvida högre CSR bidrar till högre aktievärde har varit ett omstritt ämne inom tidigare studier. Covid-19-pandemin anses ha varit en kris som har kastat nytt sken på denna fråga. Många forskare ser därför ett behov av att undersöka om CSR har kunnat göra aktier immuna under börskraschen följt av Covid-19 samt om CSR bidrar till mer motståndskraftiga aktier under kriser. Det finns dock motstridiga resultat inom tidigare studier huruvida det finns ett samband mellan CSR och aktieprestation. Syftet och huvudfrågan i studien är därför att undersöka detta samband hos börsnoterade bolag inom transport- och logistiksektorn. Mer specifikt i G20-länder under börskraschen till följd av Covid-19-pandemin. Metod: Studien utgår från en positivistisk forskningsfilosofi och antar en hypotetisk-deduktiv ansats. En kvantitativ forskningsstrategi och en tvärsnittsdesign har antagits för att genomföra studien med data över 371 publika bolag inom transport- och logistiksektorn i G20-länder. Studiens data är sekundärdata inhämtad från databasen Thomson Reuters Eikon. Data har analyserats i statistikprogrammet SPSS. Resultat och slutsats: Utifrån studiens resultat finner vi inget stöd till våra hypoteser gällande ett positivt samband mellan CSR, dess separata dimensioner och aktieprestation. Det finns inget som tyder på att aktiernas prestation har påverkats av företags ESG-satsningar. Detta resultat är i linje med aktieägarteorin som syftar till att företag endast bör ha aktieägarnas vinstmaximering som sin huvuduppgift. Studien använder ESG-betyg som ett kvantitativt mått på CSR, men de problem som finns med ESG och som har diskuterats i stor omfattning kan ha påverkat studiens resultat. Examensarbetets bidrag: Studien bidrar till att fylla ett forskningsgap gällande sambandet mellan CSR och aktieprestation inom transport- och logistiksektorn i G20-länder. Studien bidrar även med en diskussion gällande ESG-betygets validitet samt även med ytterligare empirisk forskning och teoretisk information. Förslag till fortsatt forskning: Eftersom studien är avgränsad till G20-länder samt transport- och logistiksektorn, går det inte att applicera resultatet på andra sektorer eller länder. Ett förslag till vidare forskning är därmed att undersöka sambandet i andra länder för att skapa större förståelse hur hållbarhetsarbete implementeras i denna sektor. Annat förslag till vidare forskning är att utgå från andra kontrollvariabler för att undersöka sambandet då det kan finnas andra faktorer än de som tagits upp i denna studie som kan påverka hur resultatet ter sig. / Aim: Great attention has been paid to Corporate Social Responsibility in recent decades and CSR has thus become an increasingly important issue for companies and their stakeholders. Whether higher CSR contributes to higher stock value has been a controversial topic in previous studies. The Covid-19 pandemic is considered to have been a crisis that has shed new light on this issue. Many researchers therefore see a need to investigate whether CSR has been able to make stocks immune during the stock market crash followed by Covid-19 and whether CSR contributes to stock resilience during crises. However, there are conflicting results in previous studies as to whether there is a relationship between CSR and stock performance. The purpose and main question in this study is therefore to investigate this relationship in public companies in the transportation- and logistics sector. More specifically in G20 countries during the stock market crash due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Method: The study is based on a positivistic research philosophy and adopts a hypothetical-deductive approach. A quantitative research strategy and a cross-sectional design have been adopted to conduct the study with data on 371 public companies in the transportation- and logistics sector in G20 countries. The data is secondary and obtained from the Thomson Reuters Eikon database. The data have been analyzed in the statistical program SPSS. Result and conclusions: Based on the result of the study, we find no support for our hypotheses regarding a positive relationship between CSR, its separate dimensions and stock performance. There is no indication that the stock performance has been affected by companies’ ESG investments. This result is in line with the shareholder theory, which aims that companies should only have the shareholders’ profit maximization as their main task. The study uses ESG scores as a quantitative measure of CSR, but the problems that exist with ESG and have been discussed to a large extent may have affected the result of the study. Contribution of this thesis: The study contributes to filling a research gap regarding the relationship between CSR and stock performance in the transportation- and logistics sector in G20 countries. The study also contributes with a discussion regarding the validity of the ESG rating as well as with further empirical research and theoretical information. Suggestions for future research: As the study is limited to G20 countries and the transportation- and logistics sector, the result cannot be applied to other sectors or countries. A proposal for further research is thus to investigate the connection in other countries in order to create a greater understanding of how sustainability work is implemented in this sector. Another proposal for further research is to assume other control variables to investigate the relationship as there may be other factors than those addressed in this study that may affect how the result appears.