The unusual way in which Britain's empire in Arabia was connected politically and constitutionally to the metropole, and the perceived – in some instances exaggerated – view of its strategic and economic importance, created both an opportunity and a justification for the British disengagement from the region to happen differently than in most of the rest of the empire. Strong personalities – in the metropole, amongst the men on the spot, and among local elites – played a crucial role in decision-making, and this thesis argues that informal networks from among these three constituencies worked in parallel to the established formal channels, impacting policy and driving the decision-making process. These networks initially contributed to a break in the political consensus within the metropole, but eventually also helped to restore it. The manipulation of local elites was the tool of choice, used by Britain (under both Conservative and Labour Governments) and its "men on the spot", in their endeavour to secure a lasting privileged position in Arabia. How key actors adapted to change, both in their own societies and in the international system, often determined the success or otherwise of their endeavours. This tangled tale of Britain’s last imperial stand in Arabia is far from being a unique case of how modern empires have handled unusual episodes of imperial retreat. The story has echoes in two other imperial exits of the late 20^th century – the French disengagement from Algeria from 1954 to 1962, and Russian efforts to maintain a privileged position in Georgia, immediately before and after the collapse of the USSR in 1991, and since. Even if it is too early to draw firm conclusions, similar patterns – as the ones discussed in this thesis with regards to the end of the British Empire in Arabia – can also be observed in the other two cases, allowing us to draw some observations and lessons.

L’historiographie ottomaniste traitant de la question de l’esclavage s’est surtout concentrée sur la période tardive de l’Empire (XIXe-XXe s.) produisant des livres de recherche et de synthèse (B. Lewis 1971, 1990 ; E. Toledano 1982, 1997, 2007 ; H. Erdem 1996 ; M. Zilfi 2010). Sur l’époque moderne, on dispose d’un corpus grandissant d’études portant sur des aspects ponctuels du phénomène servile. L’objectif de cette thèse est de réaliser la première monographie (en quelque langue que ce soit) sur l’esclavage dans la société ottomane de l’époque dite « classique » (XVIe-XVIIe s.), en s’intéressant à l’esclavage pratiqué dans l’espace privé et non au domaine, beaucoup plus étudié, des esclaves du sultan et du système d’asservissement militaro-administratif. À partir essentiellement de documents d’archives de l’État ottoman, du corpus juridique et législatif et de textes littéraires, la thèse aborde des questions d’histoire juridique, sociale, économique, culturelle et des mentalités. Les axes principaux de la recherche concernent ainsi le cadre juridique doctrinaire de l’esclavage en tant qu’institution et l’application du droit par les autorités ottomanes, le commerce des esclaves, les différentes formes de la main d’œuvre servile, l’esclavage au quotidien, le devenir des affranchis, mais aussi la représentation que se faisait l’élite ottomane de l’esclavage, sujet auquel est consacré un tiers de la thèse. Le cadre géographique couvre les « provinces centrales » (Roumélie, Istanbul, Anatolie), mais des micro-études sont consacrées à la Syrie (arabophone mais indissociable de l’Anatolie), l’Égypte, la Crimée, le Caucase et le Kurdistan. / Ottoman historiography dealing with slavery has been concentrated particularly on the later period of the Empire (19th-20th c.) and produced monographs of research and synthesis (B. Lewis 1971, 1990 ; E. Toledano 1982, 1997, 2007 ; H. Erdem 1996 ; M. Zilfi 2010).). For the early-modern period, there is a growing body of articles on localized aspects of the servile phenomenon. This dissertation’s objective is to realize the first monograph on slavery in the Ottoman society of the so-called “classical” period in whatever language it may be. The main focus is on slavery in the private space as opposed to the more well-known and studied sultan’s slaves and the military-administrative servitude (the “kul system”). Based essentially on archival documents of the Ottoman state, legal and juridical records, as well as literary texts, the dissertation tackles problems of juridical, social, economical, cultural history, as well as that of mentalities. Thus the research’s main axes concern the legal doctrine of slavery as an institution and the implementation of law by the Ottoman authorities; the slave trade; various forms of slave labour; slavery in everyday life; the fate of manumitted slaves; but also the representations of slavery by the Ottoman elites (topic to which a third of the thesis is devoted). The geographical framework covers the “central provinces” (Rumelia, Istanbul, Anatolia), but the dissertation also includes micro-studies on Syria (Arab-speaking but inseparable from Anatolia), Egypt, Crimea, Caucasus and Kurdistan.

This thesis presents and analyses Chinese, Tibetan, and British sources relating to the British Mission to Tibet of 1904. It balances accounts provided by the British officers and men with modern Chinese sources. It analyses both polarised sides of the history, whilst remaining critical of all sources. British historical accounts analysed in chapter one are balanced with Chinese narratives that present the Mission as an invasion of the Motherland and its unity. Chapter two examines the role of propaganda in modern China, and how different media are used to guide the Tibetan and Chinese populations’ understanding of their history and nation. Chapters three and four provide an original translation of Bod kyi rig gnas lo rgyus dpyad gzhi’i rgyu cha bdams bsgrigs, a textbook written from a Chinese nationalistic perspective. The introductory chapter providing the Chinese narrative of the build-up to the Mission is studied in chapter three, and chapter four analyses the bloody advance into Tibet. The translation and analysis in chapter five of the letters of the Dalai Lama to the King of Nepal, the Tongsa Pönlop, and the Chögyal of Sikkim place the Mission in pan-Himalayan context, and show how the Tibetan Government sought to counter the Mission. It is the first study to provide a historical Tibetan perspective of events. Chapter six analyses the divisive issue of looting during the Mission. It examines the psychology of those who looted Tibet, and the role the items taken play in shaping the image of Tibet in the West. Modern Chinese propaganda sources from the new media are analysed in chapter seven, and demonstrate how they have been used to compliment and propagate the established narrative. The conclusions analyse the impact of the Mission, and the lessons that may be learnt for those that play the ‘New Great Game.’

Longtemps en marge des pratiques militaires occidentales, la guerre irrégulière fut réintroduite au cours de la Seconde Guerre mondiale sous l’impulsion de la stratégie indirecte adoptée par la Grande-Bretagne. Les réseaux de coopération interalliés permettent alors à ces nouvelles conceptions de se diffuser auprès d’acteurs français et américains, formant ainsi le creuset d’une nouvelle communauté stratégique. L’émergence de la « menace subversive » au début de la guerre froide favorise le renouvellement de cette communauté et le développement des savoirs stratégiques irréguliers tels que la guérilla ou la guerre psychologique. Tantôt dans la coopération, tantôt dans la rivalité, les alliés tissent leur communauté de pratiques, d’abord en Asie du Sud-Est, face à la menace maoïste, puis dans l’ensemble du Tiers-Monde. Au cours des années 1960, ce sont les États-Unis qui prennent la tête de la croisade contre les « guerres de libération nationale » et développent en réponse une stratégie intégrée sous le nom de « contre-insurrection ». L’échec de sa mise en œuvre au Vietnam, ainsi que ses dérives politiques conduisent pourtant au rapide déclin de la stratégie irrégulière en Occident jusqu’à sa réapparition au début du XXIe siècle. En s’appuyant sur un grand nombre de sources primaires et en adoptant les nouvelles méthodes de l’histoire connectée, ce travail met en lumière les structures, les réseaux et les vecteurs qui contribuèrent à la circulation des savoirs associés à la guerre irrégulière. Il en explore également les motivations, ainsi que les limites et tente de proposer un narratif global permettant d’appréhender l’évolution des concepts de guerre irrégulière. / After being marginalized for centuries by the Western military model, irregular warfare was reintroduced during the Second World War through the indirect strategy adopted under British leadership. These new concepts then spread to the French and the American allies, thus contributing to forge the crucible of a new strategic community. The emergence of a "subversive threat" at the beginning of the Cold War allowed the renewal of such a community and the development of strategic knowledge such as irregular guerrilla or psychological warfare. Sometimes in cooperation, sometimes in rivalry, Western allies weaved their community of practice, first in Southeast Asia, facing the Maoist threat of people’s war, and then throughout the whole Third World. In the 1960s, the United States took the head of the crusade against the "wars of national liberation" and thus developed an integrated strategy, known as "counterinsurgency". The failure of its implementation in Vietnam and its political excesses yet lead to the rapid decline of irregular strategy in the West until its reappearance in the early twenty-first century, in the context of the global war on terror. Based on a large number of primary sources and adopting new methods of connected history, this work highlights the structures, networks and vectors which contributed to the circulation of strategic knowledge associated with irregular warfare. It also explores the motivations and limitations for such a circulation and attempts to offer an global narrative to apprehend the evolution of irregular warfare concepts.

No description available.

Since the euphoria of a hard-won independence and the hopes attached to socialist nation-building, Algeria has experienced liberalisation, increasing inequality and civil war. This thesis sets out to explore memories of post-independence nation-building in the 1970s, interrogating the past-present relationship, by asking how Algerians remember their own recent past, and what these memories reveal about contemporary subjectivities. Based on a year of ethnographic fieldwork in the low-income Algiers neighbourhood of Bab el-Oued, the research focuses specifically on memories of politics, urban space and sociability. While the authoritarianism of the period was rejected for its repression of civil liberties, the overwhelming narrative on the period was nostalgic, with the past routinely couched as more positive than the present. Memories of intense social mobility and rising living standards within the context of state-led development, competent urban management and warm neighbourhood relations governed by traditional morality and solidarity were used to critique the present; particularly the retreat of the state from its responsibilities since the 1980s and the fragmented, consumerist society that has emerged from civil conflict since the 1990s. However, social memory also translated a series of principles that demonstrated the continued relevance of the egalitarian claims made by postcolonial nationalism. Popular notions of social justice mapped future aspirations for the Algerian polity. Nostalgia was not only a matter of the past, but of the lost future of material plenty and equality promised by industrial modernisation that once seemed just over the horizon, but is now divorced from present experience. Such memories translated the passing of the dream of mass utopia, even though the modernist principles of equality, justice and progress continued to underpin both daily interactions and the political aspirations of the present.

This study examines the coalescence of American expatriate communities in Britain between 1815 and 1914. Blending transnational and post-colonial approaches to US history, this dissertation explores the nuanced roles of Americans in Britain as intermediaries in the consolidation of US independence, the formation of American nationalism, and the emergence of American empire. Transatlantic economic and cultural connections converged in American communities in Britain. The American communities of London and Liverpool evolved and dissolved around these rapidly transforming interconnections. These communities are recaptured in this study from scattered archives on both side of the Atlantic. The Antebellum American community acted as a conduit between British capital and American nation-building projects and promoted transatlantic rapprochement as the route to effective US independence. The importation of American innovation and manufactured goods into Britain and the Empire, however, followed late nineteenth-century expatriates. As US power surged, Americans in London created a self-identifying American “colony,” which acted as the interface between US economic and cultural expansion and British imperialism. Throughout the century, Britain’s American communities acted as crucibles in which sectional, national, and racial identifications were contested and reconstructed. Expatriate newspapers, celebrations, and social institutions, provided the venues for Americans in Britain to articulate and reformulate American nationalism. In the context of British power, the contestations and reformulations of these identities were bled through with post- and anti-colonial anxieties. Expatriates therefore acted as avatars for sharpening distinctions between the US and Britain in debates over the form of American national character, culture, and empire – and Britain’s role in all three. This study reframes these themes around the previously overlooked communities of Americans in Britain. From these communities, which stand at the intersection of US and British Imperial history, a new perspective emerges on the reciprocal dynamics of nationhood and empire in nineteenth century Anglo-American relations.

Wassa in southwest Ghana was the location of the largest mining sector in colonial British West Africa. The gold mines provide an excellent case study of how labour was mobilised for large-scale production immediately after the legal end of slavery, in the context of an expansive independent labour market. Divided into three sections, this thesis examines the practice of indirect labour recruitment for the mines during the formative years of colonial rule; the incorporation of ‘traditional’ credit relationships into ‘modern’ commerce. The starting point for this study is the analysis of precolonial strategies for mobilising labour. Part one examines the most pervasive and coercive employer-employee relationship in precolonial West Africa, namely the master-slave relationship. Even enslaved Africans could expect individual economic opportunity, and related to such, debt protection, and the power of labourers increased significantly after abolition. Starting in the 1870s, mine management found that the most effective way of recruiting long-term wage earners was through headmen; African authorities who established temporary patronage relationships with a group of labourers by offering them credit. Moreover, administrative and court records indicate that there were various forms of headship, some which the mines managed to impose greater regulation over than others. Therefore, part two demonstrates that issues of cost and control of recruitment differed depending on whether the labour recruiter had been furnished with the capital of a mining firm to conduct his business, whether he had done so with his own personal savings, or whether he was in the employment of the colonial government. Finally, part three takes a comparative look at headship and recruitment through rural chiefs, which began in 1906; two successive forms of non-free wage labour mobilisation. In 1909, mine management reverted to the headship system that many colonial commentators regarded as being more compatible with the colonial political order, albeit under considerably stricter regulations.

Choosing to Run: A History of Athletics and Gender in Kenya, c. 1940s – 1980s explores the history of gender and athletics in Kenya, with focus on the Rift Valley Province, from the onset of late colonial rule in the 1940s through the professionalisation of the sport during the last decades of the twentieth century. The first two empirical chapters provide a history of athletics during the colonial period. The first highlights the continuity of ideas about sport and masculinity that were developed in nineteenth century Britain and were subsequently perpetuated by the men in charge of colonial sport in Kenya. The next chapter considers how pre-colonial divisions of labour and power within Rift Valley communities informed local peoples' cultures of running. The absence of women’s running was not only the result of sexism translated from the British metropole to its Kenyan colony but also of pre-existing divisions of responsibilities of indigenous Kenyan men and women into separate, gendered domains. The second half of the thesis considers the impact of social change within women’s athletics internationally and of marriage, childbirth and education locally on female runners in the Rift Valley during the post-colonial period. Most women abandoned athletics once they reached maturity. Those who sought to do otherwise, as the final chapter argues, found that they could only do so by replicating the prototype of masculine runners that had already been established. Later, after the professionalisation of running allowed women to become wealthy, female patrons took this a step further by providing resources to those in their community in need, setting themselves up as 'Big (Wo)men'. This thesis uses athletics to reveal how gender relations and gender norms have evolved and the benefits and challenges that the sport has brought both to individual Kenyan women and their communities.

This study explores the relationship between emigration and cholera in British North American port towns, between 1832 and 1866. It focuses specifically on three established and growing port towns located directly off of the Atlantic Ocean – St. John's, Newfoundland, Halifax, Nova Scotia and Saint John, New Brunswick. The pressures of mass immigration from the British Isles, the transmission of highly-feared diseases from emigrant and cargo ships to port towns in British North America, and the dependence, vulnerability and constraints felt by colonial governments and their citizens are three important themes that emerge and are continually challenged throughout this dissertation. This thesis presents the way in which colonial port towns managed the recurrent and unpredictable threats to their health, wellbeing and prosperity during this period, and highlights the increasing strain and growing dislocation felt by British North Americans under colonial rule. The history of cholera in Canada has focused overwhelmingly on Upper and Lower Canada, with little exploration or comparative analysis of the outbreaks in the Atlantic region. The following research examines the interconnected, complex and at times distant relationship between Britain and its North American colonies, under the influence of emigration and transmission of disease from coloniser to colonised. High points of calamity and upheaval clarified the extent to which the colonies were responsible for themselves, forcing many towns to re-evaluate their ability to control emergencies on their soil, with or without the help of the mother country. This study contributes not only to the historical understanding how cholera was managed in British North American ports, but it also provides a unique perspective on understanding the greater struggles of nineteenth-century colonial life.