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Throughout history, the world has witnessed the rise and fall of great powers, but they have not been repeated in the same context. Today, the world is witnessing the emergence of Asian powers, which is China in the presence of an environment that is not characteristic of history, which is globalization, with the United States as the hegemony of globalization. In this study, we highlight the three variables (globalization, American hegemony, and China's emergence) and how the three variables can be understood under the theories of international relations (realism - constructivism). Globalization has helped prolong the life of American hegemony, but China's overpopulation prevents China from seeking new sources of state survival and preserving its interests, as it could lead to a possible military confrontation with the dominant power.

This thesis presents the magnetic fields of the COMPASS tokamak and work done during the COMPASS reinstallation in the Czech Republic. The geometry, vacuum magnetic fields and Power Supplies for the poloidal field coils circuits are described in the technical part of the thesis. The design of Power Supplies filters and improvements in the controller algorithm are also introduced. The MHD equilibrium reconstruction code EFIT++ and implementation of the induced currents model are described in the physical part of the thesis. The EFIT++ code was adapted for COMPASS. The utilization of the EFIT++ code for the COMPASS operation is shown. The global power balance in the non-stationary phases of the tokamak discharge is explained and examples are shown. The attached articles describe Power Supplies and tokamak feedback system developed for the COMPASS plasma control. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar, tanto da perspectiva externa como através de um olhar interno, a inserção do Brasil na II Guerra Mundial, enfatizando, todavia, a visão sistêmica. O substrato teórico utilizado é o da Teoria Crítica das Relações Internacionais, de Robert Cox e Andrew Linklater, cuja base se encontra no pensamento de Max Horkheimer e Antonio Gramsci. As questões levantadas no trabalho dizem respeito à verticalização do sistema de poder capitalista, isto é, à hierarquização do sistema internacional, às relações econômicas e políticas desiguais entre as grandes potências centrais e as nações periféricas, à construção da hegemonia continental norte-americana como um meio para atingir o poder global a partir de uma situação de guerra total, e à inserção compulsória dos Estados periféricos no esforço de guerra, consoante os interesses geopolíticos e geo-estratégicos das potências em conflito. A análise empreendida busca transcender os parâmetros da projeção de poder político, configurando que o conflito e a competição existentes no sistema internacional são resultantes da imbricação dos processos de acumulação de capital e de poder, que se realizam em conjunto e de forma concomitante. O Brasil, nestas circunstâncias, é analisado como um caso dentre outros possíveis / The objective of this essay aims to analyze, both from a foreign perspective as well as through an inner view, the entry of Brazil in World War II, emphasizing, anyway, the systemic vision. The theoretical base used is the Critical Theory of International Relations, from Robert Cox and Andrew Linklater, which roots are the thoughts of Max Horkheimer and Antonio Gramsci. The questions upheld in this essay are connected with the constructed hierarchy in the international system, with the unequal economical and political relations among the central powers and the countries at the system periphery, with the building of American continental hegemony as a mean to reach the global power through a total war conjuncture, and with the compulsory entry of dependent countries in the war effort, according to the geopolitical and geo-strategic interests of the great powers in conflict. The analysis made here intend to transpose the parameters of the projection of political power, showing that the conflict and the competition occurring in the international system are the result of the joint of the processes of capital and power accumulation, which happens together and at the same time. Brazil, in this circumstances, is studied as a case, among possible others

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar, tanto da perspectiva externa como através de um olhar interno, a inserção do Brasil na II Guerra Mundial, enfatizando, todavia, a visão sistêmica. O substrato teórico utilizado é o da Teoria Crítica das Relações Internacionais, de Robert Cox e Andrew Linklater, cuja base se encontra no pensamento de Max Horkheimer e Antonio Gramsci. As questões levantadas no trabalho dizem respeito à verticalização do sistema de poder capitalista, isto é, à hierarquização do sistema internacional, às relações econômicas e políticas desiguais entre as grandes potências centrais e as nações periféricas, à construção da hegemonia continental norte-americana como um meio para atingir o poder global a partir de uma situação de guerra total, e à inserção compulsória dos Estados periféricos no esforço de guerra, consoante os interesses geopolíticos e geo-estratégicos das potências em conflito. A análise empreendida busca transcender os parâmetros da projeção de poder político, configurando que o conflito e a competição existentes no sistema internacional são resultantes da imbricação dos processos de acumulação de capital e de poder, que se realizam em conjunto e de forma concomitante. O Brasil, nestas circunstâncias, é analisado como um caso dentre outros possíveis / The objective of this essay aims to analyze, both from a foreign perspective as well as through an inner view, the entry of Brazil in World War II, emphasizing, anyway, the systemic vision. The theoretical base used is the Critical Theory of International Relations, from Robert Cox and Andrew Linklater, which roots are the thoughts of Max Horkheimer and Antonio Gramsci. The questions upheld in this essay are connected with the constructed hierarchy in the international system, with the unequal economical and political relations among the central powers and the countries at the system periphery, with the building of American continental hegemony as a mean to reach the global power through a total war conjuncture, and with the compulsory entry of dependent countries in the war effort, according to the geopolitical and geo-strategic interests of the great powers in conflict. The analysis made here intend to transpose the parameters of the projection of political power, showing that the conflict and the competition occurring in the international system are the result of the joint of the processes of capital and power accumulation, which happens together and at the same time. Brazil, in this circumstances, is studied as a case, among possible others

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / The dynamics in U.S.-Turkey relations in both 1964 and 2003 continued to be between a large global power and a medium regional power in the framework of a global threat that required regional cooperation. In both cases the priority of the global power was the fight against the global threat and this created expectations from the medium power ally in the region, who -in both cases- had its own reservations about the issue, considering its own national interests. The analysis of the 1964 Crisis shows that both U.S. and Turkey would have five main sources of influence over their foreign policy decisions leading to disagreement in 1964: the dynamics in the U.S. Turkish relations as one between a global power and a regional partner; domestic concerns of both countries; unaligned goals of the two parties; the international circumstances; and the influence of signaling failures and previous interactions. When we analyze the 2003 Crisis in light of these findings we see that all the main issues seem to be consistently relevant, though their effects might have changed slightly. Overall, both cases reveal that the above-mentioned five factors determine the outcome of interactions between large global powers and medium powers in the region. / 1st Lieutenant, Turkish Army

This study traces the development of narratives on the role of culture within the EU’s external relations and aims to identify culture’s contribution to contemporary construction and self-imagination of the Union’s international actorness. The focus lies not on how individuals and publics perceive these narratives or if they are successful in construction and shaping the perceptions of their audiences. Instead, the EU institutions’ and officials’ intentions and aspirations behind sending those messages are the focus point of the analysis, as well as the critical identification of the tools and methods through which the Union strives to do so. Thus, the overarching research question to answer is: how the EU uses narratives on the role of culture and international cultural relations to construct itself as a relevant international actor. And, why and how the internal EU discussion developed and changed over time. Based on a critical discourse analytical approach to the selected, official EU documents, speeches, international declarations and communications, it shows that currently two different understandings and roles of culture and international cultural relations coexist within the EU’s internal discourse: one, advocating the deployment of international cultural relations not for simply showcasing one’s own, national culture but for a greater, ambitious goal of global responsibility and sustainable development. The focus of this approach lies in the development of a new and solidary global environment which respects and celebrates (cultural) diversity, through mutual exchanges, reciprocity and the sharing of knowledge and expertise. While the other narrative focuses on constructing the EU as a “global power” and emphasises the importance of a more traditional European “cultural diplomacy”.