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Subject of the master thesis is analysis of the current role of Turkey in the region and the potential of becoming a regional power. Thesis is structured into four chapters. In the first chapter the definition of regional power is outlined. Second chapter analysis the current position of Turkey in the world, while comparing it to other acknowledged regional power. The third part focuses on analysis of Turkey's position in various regions. The last chapter is an analysis of the regional influence on Turkey's internal development and open issues connected with defined region.

O potencial econômico conquistado pelo Brasil nos últimos anos reavivou o debate sobre a desejada superação do subdesenvolvimento do país. Recentes conquistas do setor econômico como em outras áreas, direcionam os holofotes mundiais na direção brasileira. Tal fato criou condições para uma melhor inserção internacional do país que, juntamente com outros países emergentes, buscam uma distribuição de poder que condiga com o poderio econômico que desenvolveram ao longo das últimas décadas. A proeminência regional do Estado brasileiro, contudo, faz com que algumas vozes sul-americanas enderecem ao Brasil possíveis intenções subimperialistas, como é o caso do Equador, país andino foco da presente pesquisa. O objetivo do trabalho é o de verificar a relação econômica entre Brasil e Equador sob o prisma da tese sobre o subimperialismo, desenvolvida por Ruy Mauro Marini durante a década de 1970. / The economic power conquered by Brazil in recent years reascended the debate about the possibility of the underdevelopment overcoming. Recent successes in the economic field as well as in other sectors, placed Brazil in the centre of worlds attention. This fact created conditions for a better international insertion for Brazil and other emergent countries whom search for a reasonable power balance, motivated by the latest economic achievements. The regional prominence of the Brazilian State, although, generates some diverged voices from other South American countries, particularly Ecuador. The intention of this thesis is to verify the economic relation between Brazil and Ecuador under the lens of the subimperialism theory, created by Ruy Mauro Marini during the 1970s.

En mars 1947, le gouvernement australien dirigé par Joseph Chifley présente devant le Parlement une liste des priorités en matière de politique étrangère et de sécurité pour le Commonwealth d’Australie : « en premier, un soutien plein et entier aux Nations Unies, en second le maintien des liens avec le Commonwealth, en troisième les accords de sécurité avec les Etats-Unis et d’autres Etats [et] en quatrième la participation à la politique régionale ». En 1994, selon le Livre Blanc de la Défense, la politique étrangère de l’Australie a considérablement évolué. Elle repose désormais en priorité sur l’Asie Pacifique : « la sécurité future de l’Australie – comme [sa] prospérité économique – est liée inextricablement à la sécurité et à la prospérité de l’Asie Pacifique ». / N March 1947 the Australian government led by Joseph Chifley present to Parliament a list of priorities in foreign policy and security for the Commonwealth of Australia: "First, a full support to the United Nations, in the second maintaining links with the Commonwealth, in the third security agreements with the United States and other countries [and] in the fourth participation in regional policy. "In 1994, the White Book of Defence, the Australian foreign policy has evolved considerably. She is now based primarily on the Asia Pacific, "the future security of Australia - as [its] economic prosperity - is inextricably linked to security and prosperity of Asia Pacific."

Vers fin de 2002 et début 2003, la Turquie a adopté une diplomatie active au Moyen-Orient dans un cadre de désordre et de déséquilibre de force entre les différentes puissances. Notre point de départ est l'arrivée d'une nouvelle élite en tant qu'événement instigateur et accélérateur de la reconstruction du rôle de puissance régionale. L'analyse de la politique arabe de la Turquie a recours aux notions du «rôle national» et de «puissance régionale» comme un binôme complémentaire visant à déterminer les préceptes fondateurs de la politique régionale turque en termes de source de projection, de dynamiques d'action et d'intérêt national. A partir de ce cadre théorique et de notre enquête de terrain, nous présentons une analyse critique de la littérature et une reconsidération des fondements épistémologiques et ontologique du processus de conceptualisation en Relations Internationales, notamment du terme de « puissance régionale ». L'apport de cette thèse au niveau méthodologique, en termes de définition d'un cadre conceptuel approprié à la théorisation et aux spécificités des études de cas traités, permet de reformuler la politique arabe en tant que dynamique de renaissance d'une nouvelle Turquie. En affirmant un rôle de puissance régionale, l'AKP dispose d'un répertoire d'action plus affirmé et autonome qui concilie les exigences du rôle régional avec ses alliés occidentaux et voisins d'une part ainsi que ses intérêts nationaux d'autre part. La politique arabe présente un microcosme de la politique étrangère turque et détermine comment la Turquie a émergé en tant que puissance régionale au niveau global, à partir de l'embryon militaro-séculier / By the end of 2002 and the beginning of 2003, Turkey adopted an active diplomacy in the Middle East in a context of instability and persistent rivalry between different powers. This study considers the arrival of a new political “conservative” elite as an instigator and accelerator event in the reconstruction of the Turkish role as a regional power. The analysis of the Arab policy of Turkey is based on a conceptual framework that relies on two complementary notions, the “national role” and the “regional power.” Both determine the founding precepts of the Turkish regional policy in terms of source of projection, dynamics of action and national interest. In light of this theoretical framework and the field work undertaken on the Arab policy, this study adopts a critical analysis of the literature. By reconsidering the conceptualization process in the International Relations discipline, the thesis focuses on the term of “regional power role” in order to conceal the epistemological and ontological deficiencies in different theoretical concepts that aim to understand world politics like “regional power.” Accordingly, this study provides a different method in theorizing by formulating a conceptual framework that is more adapted to global politics' reality in terms of considering the specificities of the different cases and the various configurations of regional powers. By relying on the “regional power role”, the Arab policy analysis reveals the emergence of a new Turkey. A more assertive and autonomous diplomacy is adopted by the AKP that conciles the exigencies of this role with its Western allies and neighbours from one side and its national interests from the other side

O potencial econômico conquistado pelo Brasil nos últimos anos reavivou o debate sobre a desejada superação do subdesenvolvimento do país. Recentes conquistas do setor econômico como em outras áreas, direcionam os holofotes mundiais na direção brasileira. Tal fato criou condições para uma melhor inserção internacional do país que, juntamente com outros países emergentes, buscam uma distribuição de poder que condiga com o poderio econômico que desenvolveram ao longo das últimas décadas. A proeminência regional do Estado brasileiro, contudo, faz com que algumas vozes sul-americanas enderecem ao Brasil possíveis intenções subimperialistas, como é o caso do Equador, país andino foco da presente pesquisa. O objetivo do trabalho é o de verificar a relação econômica entre Brasil e Equador sob o prisma da tese sobre o subimperialismo, desenvolvida por Ruy Mauro Marini durante a década de 1970. / The economic power conquered by Brazil in recent years reascended the debate about the possibility of the underdevelopment overcoming. Recent successes in the economic field as well as in other sectors, placed Brazil in the centre of worlds attention. This fact created conditions for a better international insertion for Brazil and other emergent countries whom search for a reasonable power balance, motivated by the latest economic achievements. The regional prominence of the Brazilian State, although, generates some diverged voices from other South American countries, particularly Ecuador. The intention of this thesis is to verify the economic relation between Brazil and Ecuador under the lens of the subimperialism theory, created by Ruy Mauro Marini during the 1970s.

This thesis investigates the role Turkey’s pursuit of regional power status plays in its narrative of Syrian mass migration from 2011 to 2014. By thematically analyzing 23 speeches given by Ahmet Davutoglu, the Foreign Minister at the time, this paper explores different themes that emerge both in Turkey’s approaches to Syrian migration and in their pursuit of regional power status. This study also aims to bridge the gap between migration studies and International Relations theories by using the theoretical concept of constructivism to help explain the approach Turkey has for its foreign policy. The main themes that emerge from Davutoglu’s speeches demonstrate the multilayered nature of both the Syrian migration crisis that altered the whole region and Turkey’s perceived rise to power.

No final da década de 1990, em um contexto de fim da Guerra Fria e redução de engajamento estadunidense na América do Sul, o Brasil encontra espaço para exercer um papel cada vez mais importante na região, condizente com o seu crescente peso econômico no subcontinente e no mundo. Nesse contexto, o objetivo do artigo é analisar a percepção dos países sulamericanos sobre o comportamento brasileiro na América do Sul. O processo discursivo de co-constituição entre líder e seguidores é observado por meio dos veículos de comunicação, dada sua relação simbiótica com a opinião pública. A pesquisa empírica utilizou artigos jornalísticos relevantes de oito jornais sul-americanos, de quatro países diferentes, que se referiram a atributos da potencial hegemonia e liderança brasileira. / In the late 1990s, in the context of Cold War and reduced US engagement in South America, Brazil has started to exercise an increasingly important role in the region, consistent with its also increasingly economic weight in the subcontinent and in the world. This article aims at assessing the perception of other South American countries regarding Brazilian behavior in South America. The discursive process of co- creation between leader and followers is observed through an analysis of media outlets, given their symbiotic relationship with public opinion. Empirical research was conducted using selected news articles from eight South American newspapers from four different countries, which referred to attributes of potential Brazilian hegemony and leadership.

No final da década de 1990, em um contexto de fim da Guerra Fria e redução de engajamento estadunidense na América do Sul, o Brasil encontra espaço para exercer um papel cada vez mais importante na região, condizente com o seu crescente peso econômico no subcontinente e no mundo. Nesse contexto, o objetivo do artigo é analisar a percepção dos países sulamericanos sobre o comportamento brasileiro na América do Sul. O processo discursivo de co-constituição entre líder e seguidores é observado por meio dos veículos de comunicação, dada sua relação simbiótica com a opinião pública. A pesquisa empírica utilizou artigos jornalísticos relevantes de oito jornais sul-americanos, de quatro países diferentes, que se referiram a atributos da potencial hegemonia e liderança brasileira. / In the late 1990s, in the context of Cold War and reduced US engagement in South America, Brazil has started to exercise an increasingly important role in the region, consistent with its also increasingly economic weight in the subcontinent and in the world. This article aims at assessing the perception of other South American countries regarding Brazilian behavior in South America. The discursive process of co- creation between leader and followers is observed through an analysis of media outlets, given their symbiotic relationship with public opinion. Empirical research was conducted using selected news articles from eight South American newspapers from four different countries, which referred to attributes of potential Brazilian hegemony and leadership.

No final da década de 1990, em um contexto de fim da Guerra Fria e redução de engajamento estadunidense na América do Sul, o Brasil encontra espaço para exercer um papel cada vez mais importante na região, condizente com o seu crescente peso econômico no subcontinente e no mundo. Nesse contexto, o objetivo do artigo é analisar a percepção dos países sulamericanos sobre o comportamento brasileiro na América do Sul. O processo discursivo de co-constituição entre líder e seguidores é observado por meio dos veículos de comunicação, dada sua relação simbiótica com a opinião pública. A pesquisa empírica utilizou artigos jornalísticos relevantes de oito jornais sul-americanos, de quatro países diferentes, que se referiram a atributos da potencial hegemonia e liderança brasileira. / In the late 1990s, in the context of Cold War and reduced US engagement in South America, Brazil has started to exercise an increasingly important role in the region, consistent with its also increasingly economic weight in the subcontinent and in the world. This article aims at assessing the perception of other South American countries regarding Brazilian behavior in South America. The discursive process of co- creation between leader and followers is observed through an analysis of media outlets, given their symbiotic relationship with public opinion. Empirical research was conducted using selected news articles from eight South American newspapers from four different countries, which referred to attributes of potential Brazilian hegemony and leadership.