No / This paper examines the scope for a rights-based perspective on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by focusing on right to water. The paper adapts Hohfeldian framework of elements of a right developed by Wenar. According to this, a right should be interpreted in terms of powers, privileges, claims and immunities. This framework highlights the inter-connections between various aspects of governance and the effectiveness of a right to water. The conjecture whether the poor are more likely to have access to water when there is a right to water is examined with data (from WHO-UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme) pertaining to a small sample of countries where a right to water has been promulgated and some others where such right has not been promulgated. The impact of governance on improving access to water is examined using indicators from Governance Matters V (Kaufman et al., 2006). This analysis suggests that mechanisms of governance may be more important in improving access to water than a formal articulation of a right to water. Some challenges to operationalising a right to water are discussed.

African states are often called corrupt indicating that the political system in Africa differs from the one prevalent in the economically advanced democracies. This however does not give us any insight into what makes corruption the ruling norm of African statehood. Thus we must turn to the overly neglected theoretical work on the political economy of Africa in order to determine how the poverty of governance in Africa is firmly anchored both in Africa’s domestic socioeconomic reality, as well as in the region’s role in the international economic order. Instead of focusing on increased monitoring, enforcement and formal democratic procedures, this book integrates economic analysis with political theory in order to arrive at a better understanding of the political-economic roots of corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa. / Häufig werden die afrikanischen Staaten als durch und durch ‚korrumpiert‘ bezeichnet, also unterstellt, dass sich die politischen Systeme Sub-Sahara Afrikas in ihrer Funktionsweise von denen fortgeschrittener Demokratien unterscheiden, ohne dass deutlich wird, was Korruption zur Norm afrikanischer Staatlichkeit macht. Aus diesem Grund greift diese Studie auf bereits vorliegende, aber häufig vernachlässigte theoretische Arbeiten zur politischen Ökonomie Sub-Sahara Afrikas zurück. Es wird gezeigt, wie ‚bad governance‘ in den sozioökonomischen Gegebenheiten afrikanischer Staaten verankert ist und welche Bedeutung die Rolle der afrikanischen Staaten innerhalb der Weltwirtschaftsordnung spielt. Anstatt immerzu die verschärfte Aufsicht und die Durchsetzung rechtsstaatlicher Prinzipien zu fordern, integriert diese Studie ökonomische Analyse mit politischer Theorie, um die politökonomischen Wurzeln der Korruption in Sub-Sahara Afrika besser verstehen zu können.

Despite significant growth in the number of 'good governance' initiatives promising to generate optimum developmental outcomes in resource-rich countries, there is surprisingly little empirical information about their sector and country-specific dynamics. This thesis focusses on how external 'good governance' norms and institutions interact with domestic actors and organisations to shape the institutional landscape of resource-rich countries. This objective is pursued by means of an in-depth case study of Ghana, a Sub-Saharan African nation that has become a middle-sized exporter of crude oil since January 2011. More specifically, it scrutinises two major reform efforts designed to steer the country's oil industry towards a developmental direction: the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), an international auditing and multi-stakeholder oversight mechanism, and the Public Interest and Accountability Committee, a home-grown citizens' oversight initiative in Ghana. The analytical lens employed in the study is based on comparative political economy and comparative institutional analysis. They are employed to make sense of the dialectic between the promise of corrective 'good governance' measures and the mirage of reform outcomes in the Ghanaian oil sector. The main argument advanced here is that 'good governance' solutions in the oil industry are essentially weak instruments, due to their inability to grapple with deep-seated instrumental politics, perverse institutional environment, and elite capture that continue to undermine reform in Ghana. This point is adduced to highlight the shortcomings of the 'good governance' agenda. The thesis draws from multiple data sources, collected through semi-structured interviews with various stakeholders, public officials, NGOs and community activists, development agencies, and oil companies. These are complemented by archival research, documentary sources, non-participant observation, and workshops.

In this paper, Jürgen Habermas' account on 'The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere' will be set into relation with the emergence of INGOs as actors in the public sphere. The emergence of NGOs, and later INGOs, can be closely linked to the transformation of the public sphere as described by Habermas. An account from the early beginnings of non-governmental associations to the institutionalized status of INGOs following the establishment of the UN aims to describe the roots and roles of such organizations as actors within the public sphere more precisely. The concept of 'good governance' will be related to the commitments of the INGO Accountability Charter of which Amnesty International (AI) is a signatory. The case of AI will then be used as an example to apply the insights gained from the theoretical perspectives explored before. The question of whether AI is successful in its application of good governance relies on the definition of 'successful'. In this paper, the definition is given by Habermas' definition of the actorness in the transformed public sphere and the fulfilment of the commitments to the INGO Accountability Charter. Identifying AI as an actor in the public sphere provides the ground on which the development and controversies surrounding this INGO will be analyzed. Understanding the role AI aspires to play is an important factor. In this context, the controversies AI has faced in the public eye become a starting point into the inquiry of what role good governance plays in AI's communicative efforts. These, in turn, are a key to the organization's attempts to counterbalance negative perceptions and to maintain its position as a successful communicative actor. The end will be formed by conclusions given on the analysis of AI's employment of good governance in transformed, transnational civil society. Points for future research will be indicated if applicable.

In any democratic dispensation public participation is a wide spread concern and highly topical to guide a discourse on openness, transparency, and inclusiveness in government. The importance and contribution of public participation to a healthy and developing democracy should not be underestimated. There are various forms of public participation that are known in the literature. They range from general consultation, submission of comments to public institutions, to direct negotiations and interaction. In the South African Police Service, the notion and principles of public participation are embedded in a modern community policing approach. This approach was adopted by the South African Government post-1994. The concept Community Policing is generally about making policing more community-centred through the active engagement of community members in the affairs of the police. Community policing is multidimensional in addressing social problems such as crime and poverty. It also involves community empowerment to guide the community in addressing their own challenges. To give operational impetus to a community policing approach, Community Policing Forums (CPFs) have been established as a mechanism to foster public participation in general and active community engagement in policing matters in particular. The roles of CPFs are entrenched in national legislation and a comprehensive regulatory framework further guide the functioning of these structures. The functioning of these CPFs is, however, not without challenges. By following a qualitative case study design, this study investigated the particular challenges associated with public participation in the CPFs of the Tlokwe Local Municipality (TLM). The study has been conducted in the three police stations of TLM, namely Potchefstroom, Ikageng and Buffelshoek. The aim of this study was to present the need for the development of a comprehensive strategy to enhance public participation in CPFs in TLM. Such a strategy is suggested as main solution to address the variety of challenges identified. / MA (Public Management and Governance), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

In any democratic dispensation public participation is a wide spread concern and highly topical to guide a discourse on openness, transparency, and inclusiveness in government. The importance and contribution of public participation to a healthy and developing democracy should not be underestimated. There are various forms of public participation that are known in the literature. They range from general consultation, submission of comments to public institutions, to direct negotiations and interaction. In the South African Police Service, the notion and principles of public participation are embedded in a modern community policing approach. This approach was adopted by the South African Government post-1994. The concept Community Policing is generally about making policing more community-centred through the active engagement of community members in the affairs of the police. Community policing is multidimensional in addressing social problems such as crime and poverty. It also involves community empowerment to guide the community in addressing their own challenges. To give operational impetus to a community policing approach, Community Policing Forums (CPFs) have been established as a mechanism to foster public participation in general and active community engagement in policing matters in particular. The roles of CPFs are entrenched in national legislation and a comprehensive regulatory framework further guide the functioning of these structures. The functioning of these CPFs is, however, not without challenges. By following a qualitative case study design, this study investigated the particular challenges associated with public participation in the CPFs of the Tlokwe Local Municipality (TLM). The study has been conducted in the three police stations of TLM, namely Potchefstroom, Ikageng and Buffelshoek. The aim of this study was to present the need for the development of a comprehensive strategy to enhance public participation in CPFs in TLM. Such a strategy is suggested as main solution to address the variety of challenges identified. / MA (Public Management and Governance), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

This study critically assesses the appropriateness of the governance system used to control all aspects of oil exploration and production within the Nigeria São Tomé and Príncipe Joint Development Zone (NSTP-JDZ). The motivation for carrying out the research emerged from a review of the literature on oil and gas joint venture operations which straddle more than one country’s borders. In the case of the NSTP-JDZ, several reports had criticised its governance practices but had failed to provide a rigorous analysis to substantiate their claims. The study therefore contributes to the literature relating to the governance of oil and gas joint development zones. A mixed method approach was used in the empirical research and the results were analysed against a globally acknowledged good governance theoretical framework. The results confirmed that there are major flaws in the NSTP-JDZ governance system, although there are also positive aspects of the practices. Four areas of concern were identified: Firstly, inadequate personnel skills were impairing management of the zone to such an extent that it could not be guaranteed that resources will be safeguarded for the benefits of future generation. Secondly, control of resources was severely impaired by an uncertainty about who had the authority to implement actions and, of more concern, by political and other conflicting interventions in the management decisions of the NSTP-JDA. Thirdly, the findings indicated the need for improvement in the audit procedures and communication culture between local communities and NSTP-JDZ operators. Lastly, there was a body of opinion that employment practices within the zone were unfair. In addition to identifying the above deficiencies in the governance system, the study has identified and analysed differences in views on governance issues between key stakeholders in the zone. These differences are important as they may well pinpoint why the governance system is deficient and, more importantly, reveal how the governance system can be improved. The vested interests of stakeholders are known to shape stakeholder views and, when there are stakeholders from different countries representing their nation’s interests, these differences can be acute; the findings may be extrapolated to other joint development zones although the various characteristics of the parties involved in each zone will affect the degree to which it is applicable. Finally, the study may have significant economic consequences for both Nigeria and the São Tomé and Príncipe - bearing in mind the importance of oil resources to both countries.

在台灣地區，由於社會變遷亟遽，經濟高度發展，人口增加與都市化的發展，竊盜犯罪問題日益嚴重；根據民意調查分析，國內民眾最為關心的，除了「經濟發展」就是「治安良窳」的議題。台灣地區自1999至2003年，每年至少有18萬輛以上的機車失竊，約有8萬輛以上找不回來；每年機車失竊，約流失新台幣152億元，因此機車竊盜問題值得深究。而，台北縣為全國人口的第一大縣，縣民幾近於每2人即擁有1輛機車，故以台北縣作探討，可以做為典範。 本研究透過三角交叉檢視法，以自行編制機車竊盜問卷之量化研究為主，有效問卷400份，再輔以參與觀察法及訪談法。訪問對象為國內實際操作之在職基層警察。 本研究重要發現：將機車竊盜問卷資料歸類成專業技能、防竊觀點、肅竊經驗、心態反應、服務品質與自我期待等區分六項。就基層警察使用電腦資訊而言，可推論仰賴「機械的垂直思考模式」的被動性，較「廣泛的水平思考模式」主動性為高。造成機車竊盜破獲率低的相關原因，有「不了解機車竊盜者，竊盜機車的過程」、「員警心態消極」、「法律審理流程冗長」、「贓物保管不易」、「追贓能力不足」以及「不了解機車竊盜者竊盜機車後的銷贓管道」等因素。大多數基層警察對研究機車竊盜問題之意願低落，陷入「想做，但不會做；想問，又不知怎麼問？要問誰？」的迷思。 另外；在基層警察問卷調查的回應中顯示：對於執行「行政介入」工作，感覺並不困難，但並不能真正了解以行政手段取代司法強制的意涵。基層警察受理報案的觀念正確而又積極；造成犯罪黑數，發生遲、匿報的原因，非在個人懶惰及想卸責、推諉、怕麻煩等因素；並從員警根本就不願意吃案，認為「提升警察專業能力」，可以提昇民眾對治安的滿意度。 本研究結果，具體提出了「行政介入」的刑事策略等防範竊盜的措施之道。「行政介入」的刑事策略，預期可使機車竊盜的發生率降低；那麼，民生痛苦指數必然是下降的、民眾對治安的滿意度也將會提昇，不啻是民眾、政府與警察間的的三贏，「優良治理」的刑事政策，會影響改善治安的期待效果，將獲得更進一步的確認。因而，本文具有理論以及實務上的貢獻。 / The theft crime is getting worse in Taiwan due to rapid social change, economic development, population growth, and urbanization. According to public opinion polls, Taiwanese are concerned deeply about either economic development or public security. More than 180 thousand motorcycles have been stolen during 1999 to 2003. Among these amounts, about 80 thousand motorcycles cannot be found thereafter. The average cost of those missed motorcycles is approximate 15.2 billion NT dollars every year. Therefore, the topic of preventing motorcycle from theft has to be further researched. Taipei County was selected as a case in this research for the reason that it is the most populous county in Taiwan and nearly one out of two residents owns a motorcycle. This research adopted the triangulation approach mainly by quantitative research with questionnaires. The valid questionnaires are 400 copies. In addition, this research also used the participant observation and interviewing as the auxiliary method. The defined interviewees to be sampled were the practitioners from the local police forces. The significant finding from this research: the questionnaires are categorized into six sections including professional skill, anti-theft awareness, theft tackling experience, emotion expression, service quality and self expectation. According to the custom of local polices using computer information the local polices could be inferred that they depend on the inactive「mechanical vertical thinking pattern」 more than on the active「wide lateral thinking pattern」. Several reasons cause the low clearance rate such as they don’t realize the thief and process of motorcycle theft, passiveness, lengthy judiciary process, difficulty to keep loots, incapability to trace the source of loots, not realizing the way how to sell loots and etc. Most of local polices have low intention for doing research on the motorcycle theft problem. They are facing the dilemma of incapability to solve the problem or no access to consultant. Furthermore, the response from questionnaires reveals that it is not difficult for local polices to acknowledge executing public intervention. However, they cannot comprehend the meaning of using public intervention to substitute for the judiciary enforcement. The conception of local polices for receiving theft cases is rarely accurate and active. The reasons causing dark figures of crime, delay cases and concealment are not because of local polices’ laziness and irresponsibility. The local polices are unwilling to cover up the reported theft cases. From the point of view, promoting police’s professional capability could uplift the satisfaction in public security from the citizens. The research finding has provided concrete solutions for theft prevention through the penal strategies of public intervention. The penal strategies in public intervention could be expected to reduce the motorcycle theft. Therefore, the misery index would be decreased and the satisfaction in public security will be improved. It is a win-win strategy among the public, government and police. The good governance in penal strategies can affect the expected results in bettering public security. This outcome will be further verified in the research. Thus, the research has its theoretical and practical contributions. Key words：public intervention good governance

Thesis (M.A.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, International Relations, 2013 / The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) was established on 9 March 2003 by the NEPAD Heads of State and Government Implementation Committee (HSGIC) as an innovative instrument to improve governance in Africa. The APRM is a voluntary mechanism which enables African leaders to periodically monitor and review each other’s governance performance thus promoting peer-dialogue and peer-learning. The rationale behind the establishment of the APRM is the realization that socio-economic development and good governance are inextricably linked. Furthermore, for NEPAD to achieve its goal of placing African countries on a path of sustainable growth and development, it is imperative to ensure that an environment of good political and economic governance is created. In 2013, the APRM will mark ten years since its inception. This significant milestone provides scholars interested in governance and development issues on the continent with an opportunity to assess the gains (successes) which have been registered and the weaknesses regarding the implementation of this innovative African initiative. It is against this backdrop that this study undertakes to perform a retrospective analysis of the APRM since its inception in 2003. The study identifies as assesses the achievements and challenges of the APRM over the decade (2003-2013) as well as provides recommendations aimed at overcoming the challenges, strengthening the Mechanism as well as positioning it to effectively and efficiently carry out its mandate. The study establishes that there exists a positive correlation between good governance and development. The study further illustrates that the APRM has achieved much in its relatively short time of existence. Lessons have been learnt. However, as is the case with any new initiative, the Mechanism has experienced some teething problems (challenges) that ought to be addressed if the APRM is to effectively deliver on its mandate and improve the quality of governance across African countries. In essence, the APRM have proven itself to be a tool that holds immense potential for improving governance on the African continent.

Sammandrag Lissabonfördraget (2009) gav EU kompetensen att skapa en unionstäckande sportpolicy. Denna policy gjorde det möjligt att kunna reglera europeiska och internationella idrottsförbunds uppbyggnad och transparens. En viktig orsak till att införa policyn var att minska risken för korruption. Genom unionens fastställande av tio principer inom good governance i sport, innehållande riktlinjer för bland annat transparens och demokratisk process, förväntades den europeiska idrotten nå en positiv utveckling. Vid en analys av de båda rapporterna Sports Governance Observer (SGO) från 2015 och 2018 framkom dock att så inte blev fallet. Syftet med den här studien har varit att analysera orsaken till en försämring av SGO:s indexvärde inom good governance i sport under de senaste åren. För att göra detta har det varit intressant att utgå från två frågeställningar vilka analyserar vad det är som orsakat denna försämring samt vilka faktorer som varit drivkraft i denna process. Det empiriska materialet har huvudsakligen bestått av de båda SGO-rapporterna men har kompletterats med lämpliga artiklar inom huvudområdet. Detta för att urskönja drivkrafterna i förändringsprocessen. Undersökningen har utförts genom en kvalitativ textanalys av rapporterna och tillhörande artiklar. Då förändringsprocessen legat i fokus har jag använt mig av en diakronisk analysmetod vilken objektivt fångar förändringar över tid. Analysen har gjorts i ljuset av ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av EU:s principer inom good governance i sport samt dess definition av begreppet good governance. Resultatet visade att alla de internationella idrottsförbunden haft ett sjunkande indexvärde inom good governance under de senaste åren. Framförallt visade det sig att graden av transparens och demokratisk process mellan 2015–2018 sjunkit inom förbunden. Transparensen var dock det område som procentuellt minskat mest vilket vid en närmare analys går att härleda till idrottsförbundens informationskultur. Det är framförallt avsaknaden av en tydlig transparens som sänkt SGO:s indexvärde. Slutsatserna visar att det som har gjort att en förändring mellan 2015–2018 har kunnat ske är avsaknaden av publicerade styrelsebeslut, arbetsplaner och ekonomiska transaktioner. De faktorer som har varit drivande i denna process är EU:s låga expertis på huvudområdet, good governance unga ålder inom idrotten samt spänningen mellan NPE och MPE vilket har bidragit till en identitetskris inom unionen. Nyckelord: EU, good governance, sport, korruption, transparens, demokratisk process