La République de Maurice, un demi siècle après son Indépendance est souvent citée comme le modèle par excellence d’un État multiethnique démocratique, stable et ayant réussi économiquement le passage d’une économie coloniale de plantation axée sur la monoculture de la canne à sucre vers une société nouvellement industrialisée dépendant sur la zone franche industrielle, le tourisme et les services. Paradoxalement, plusieurs observateurs font un constat accablant des dysfonctionnements institutionnels indiqués par exemple lors des crises politiques récurrentes, les affaires politico-financières, le fait écrasant de l’ethnicité... La question principale au cœur de notre problématique interroge la construction de cette situation paradoxale d’une démocratie dite exemplaire d’un côté et des dysfonctionnements institutionnels et la désaffection d’une partie de l’électorat. Quelles en sont les causes et explications ? Cette thèse tient à faire ressortir les spécificités de la vie politique de Maurice afin de comprendre et d’examiner les causes de cette condition paradoxale à travers une approche néo-institutionnelle. / Half a century after its Independence, the Republic of Mauritius is often cited as the model par excellence of a multi-ethnic, stable and democratic state which has economically succeeded the passage from a colonial plantation economy based on the monoculture of sugar cane to a newly industrialized society dependent on the industrial free zone, tourism and services. Paradoxically, several observers make an overwhelming observation of institutional dysfunctions for example, recurrent political crises, politico-financial scandals, the strong perception of communalism, ... The main focus of this study is to analyse the causes of this paradoxical situation of a so-called exemplary democracy on one hand and institutional dysfunctions and the disaffection of part of the electorate. This thesis aims at examining the specificities of the political life of Mauritius in order to understand and elucidate the causes of this paradoxical condition through a neo-institutional approach.

In an age of austerity, specifying how governance and innovation interact is an important issue on the agenda of policymakers and scholars when discussing the role of government in dealing with 'wicked problems'. This trend of public sector spending cuts continues unabated in G20 countries, such as the US, Brazil and Saudi Arabia, and is driven by the concurrence of austerity measures and increasing citizen demands for quality public services. As a way to tackle this dilemma, governments have specifically sought, explicitly or implicitly, to urge public sector organisations to become more effective, which calls for innovation in public organisations, which is inextricably linked to performance. For example, Saudi Arabia launched an unprecedented major economic transformation, Vision 2030, which is considered a huge challenge to the public sector, which employs over two-thirds of Saudi nationals, to be innovative. Although several scholars have tried to prescribe ways to make the public sector more innovative, the theoretical frameworks used explained the effects of governance in unexpectedly parochial terms, and also neglected human capital dynamics, offering scarce insights into why some organisations thrive through innovativeness while others struggle. This study, which extends beyond the traditional high-performance models, examines whether the emphasis on the complementarities between a holistic approach of governance (rather than HRMP) and human capital can drive up human capital's value to produce a relative advantage; in this case, innovativeness. This study breaks from the traditional, agency conflict between stakeholders and managers and uses a combination of theories (social capital theory, stakeholder theory and institutional theory) to describe where and how organisations' governance drives human capital value creation towards innovativeness. This study suggests that different governance mechanisms may work together in a complementary manner, rather than as substitutes, towards higher organisation performance. The conceptual framework uncovers previously overlooked circumstances, such as underestimating the strategic value of the public organisations' human capital, and offers a new approach to the conceptualisation of governance by developing a cooperation (rather than conflict) model, whereby multi governance mechanisms are intertwined. This research adopts a quantitative methodology, along with the positivist philosophical approach, to investigate the hypothetical relationships within the conceptual framework. To analyse and validate the data, this study applies the structure equation model by using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) AMOS V. 23. Based on data gathered from 713 public employees in Saudi Arabia, the findings indicate that public employees' innovativeness is driven by an organisation's complementarities between governance and human capital. In particular, the findings show that the amount of damage caused to trust within public organisations by a poor ethical work climate is greater, whereas good ethical work climate contributes to employees' trust which in turn positively facilitates the effect of psychological ownership on subsequent innovativeness. The findings also suggest that satisfied internal needs are key capabilities that organisations must possess in order to increase the capacity for innovation. Moreover, this study finds a variety of networks modes which provide opportunities for public employees to innovate. These research outcomes yield several theoretical and practical implications. As a preliminary study, designed to address a complicated phenomenon in the public sector, the results of this study should be considered in the light of some limitations.

Political decentralization has been advanced in the 21st century as a prescription for enabling citizens' participation in politics and increasing good governance. However, empirical investigations have offered limited knowledge about decentralization efforts in Liberia. This study explored if decentralization could serve as a catalyst for citizens' participation and good governance in Liberia. The polarity of participation and representation - one of the pairs in the polarities of democracy model developed by Benet - was used to establish the theoretical foundation for this study. The study employed a case study research design. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 20 participants recruited through snowball sampling and subjected to a thematic content procedure for analysis. The main theme indicated that decentralization was perceived as Liberia's best policy option to repair 171 years of political, social, and economic challenges. Establishment of service centers at the county level to manage social development funds and the passage of the local government act were acknowledged as achievements of the decentralization policy in Liberia. On the other hand, the country's long history of centralized governance, corruption, inequality, constitution violations, and misused of public resources were identified as major obstacles to successful implementation of decentralization policy measures. The social change implication of the study involves identifying a potential avenue for the government and citizens of Liberia to build a stronger relationship through reform which will ultimately enhance citizens' ability to be involved in governmental decision making at both national and local levels.

<p>The European Union is the greatest donor of the world. Until 2002, the south African country Zimbabwe was a recipient of European development aid. Due to major disagreements over key issues, such as human rights and democratic principles, theEuropean Union has partially suspended official development cooperation in 2002. Zimbabwe has not longer fulfilled the criterions of Good Governance, which isdemanded by the European Union. In order to restore the respect for human rights and ademocratic way of governance, the EU has posed sanctions and resolutions. This study provides a study of the outcomes of these repressive measures. Have the sanctions led to a better governance performance in Zimbabwe? Before the terms Governance and Good Governance will be explained into detail, the first part of the thesis is spotting out the European Union as a normative actor.</p>

The author distinguishes between three types of Islamic states. A first type uses Islam as political legitimation (Saudi Arabia). In contrast, the second type uses Islam merely as a political framework. In Iran, for instance, religious values are maintained while at the same time democratic elements, such as elections, can be found. Egypt is mentioned as an example of the third type of state that ranges between a secular and a religious political system. Looking at the modernization process in Egypt more closely, the author claims that without good governance the efforts of the state will be useless and religious extremism may dominate.

<p>Ethiopia is exercising decentralisation of the health system and thus this study assesses lessons learned about the experiences of the decentralization of institutions in heoretical terms. The problem investigated in this study concerns the lack of institutional capacity to effectively provide services, lack of transparency, responsibility and accountability. Decision making is also very remote from the people with regard to resource allocation and public health service delivery. The scope of this study covers the Southern Nations, Nationalities and People&rsquo / s Regional State of Ethiopia and its relationship with the Cheha District in the area of health service decentralization. The objective of this study was to identify fundamental elements of decentralization of health institutions and the impact on the performance of the health system at local government level in the Cheha District in Ethiopia.</p>

<p>The question this paper seeks to answer is whether decentralization is helpful or harmful to Cameroon&rsquo / s national unity. This study traces the historical, constitutional and political development of the concepts of national unity and decentralization and critically examines their application in the Cameroonian context. It further tests the consolidation of national unity in Cameroon against a theoretical and empirical framework of decentralization. A one-dimensional view of the findings of this study is not very encouraging to regimes seeking to enhance national unity through the implementation of decentralization. However, the major conclusion of this study holds the position that the political outcome of decentralization on Cameroon&rsquo / s national unity is largely a product of the constitutional regulation of both concepts and the manner in which the theoretical dimensions of decentralization are transplanted onto Cameroon&rsquo / s political landscape. The paper recommends certain reforms to assist and guide Cameroon as it simultaneously implements decentralization and consolidates national unity.</p>

<p>Governing an ethnically diverse country constitutes a major challenge for state power and government in Cameroon. The call for national unity, championed by the regime in power has had to survive strong demands for greater autonomy and threats of secession by groups from within an English-speaking minority. In response to these demands and threats, and in conjunction with reforms to improve democratic governance and service delivery, Cameroon&rsquo / s state administration has in the last decade resorted to decentralization as a technique for promoting national unity. The question this paper seeks to answer is whether decentralization is helpful or harmful to Cameroon&rsquo / s national unity. This study traces the historical, constitutional and political development of the concepts of national unity and decentralization and critically examines their application in the Cameroonian context. It further tests the consolidation of national unity in Cameroon against a theoretical and empirical framework of decentralization. A one-dimensional view of the findings of this study is not very encouraging to regimes seeking to enhance national unity through the implementation of decentralization. However, the major conclusion of this study holds the position that the political outcome of decentralization on Cameroon&rsquo / s national unity is largely a product of the constitutional regulation of both concepts and the manner in which the theoretical dimensions of decentralization are transplanted onto Cameroon&rsquo / s political landscape. The paper recommends certain reforms to assist and guide Cameroon as it&nbsp / simultaneously implements decentralization and consolidates national unity.</p>

Based in New York, the International Rescue Committee (IRC) has been working in the Sudan since the 1980s. During this time, this Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) has shown itself to be a leader in its field. Funded by numerous agencies and aiding hundreds of thousands of beneficiaries, IRCs role in Sudan is constantly growing. Poised between the people whom it serves and the Government of Sudan, in whose territory it operates, the NGO roles as advocates and social service providers places them in a challenging position.<p> Since the first international NGOs entered Sudan during the great famine and war in the 1980s, the government has become increasingly suspicious of their actions. More recently, however, NGOs have become more commonplace in Sudan, funding and managing many of the social programmes in the country, including education, health care, water and sanitation and even infrastructure projects. This presence in the country has lent international political clout to NGOs, but has created resentment by the Sudanese government.<p> This situation is not unique. Around the globe many countries are being pressured by NGOs to alter policy direction. The concept of good governance has become prevalent in Western funding departments and donor organisations, calling for its use to encourage governments to become more democratic. In order to access funding, NGOs must therefore shift their focus to a greater emphasis on good governance as well. This is indeed the case of the IRC whose broad mission includes strengthening civil society and enabling good governance in Sudan.<p> The strong presence of NGOs combined with the sheer number of people they serve, the types of services that they provide, and their influence both nationally and internationally has lent credibility to the belief that these organisations are important entities in Sudan. However, the ability to carry out their mandates in times of emergencies and crisis is challenging as they must work within the constructs of the communities in which they serve and with the government of Sudan, which controls several of their activities.

This dissertation uses ¡§marine good governance¡¨ as the core to discuss the establishment of marine protected areas institutions in Taiwan. As a marine nation, it is a fatal key whether Taiwan can properly manage marine resources or not. Appropriately dealing with marine-related affairs can bring success to overall national development. The marine environmental diversity makes its affairs much more complicated than the land area. The global cognition of marine management has greatly changed. ¡§The concept of public management¡¨ has shifted from ¡§government¡¨ to ¡§governance¡¨. Good governance is the aim of public management nowadays. A marine nation should aim to have good marine governance. Establishing integrated marine institutions would be the key point. Although the quantity of Taiwan¡¦s marine protected areas has greatly increased, the effectiveness of management on marine protected areas is still called into question. This dissertation recommends that Taiwan should focus on integrating the institutions on marine protected areas. The future Marine Affair Organization and the corresponding marine governance legal structure would result in a ¡§Good Governance of a Marine Nation¡¨.