Thesis (M.A.)

The focus of this study is on South Africa's transition to democracy. It is argued in this thesis, that an analysis of the transition to democracy in South Africa and the transformation of the con ict that prevailed in this divided society could generate new avenues for theorising about transitions to democracy in divided societies amidst con ict. The aim with this thesis is to contribute towards a more comprehensive understanding of the complex nature of the process of transition to democracy, and the relevant theory involved, particularly with regard to transitions in divided societies. One consequence of the deep divisions within South African society has been the increase in violence, which followed liberalisation. The transition to democracy in South Africa, as a result, was characterised by continuing and escalating violence. In South Africa, the authoritarian regime deteriorated mainly because of internal factors, but external factors also played an important role. The analysis of the transition has been guided by the hypothesis that the democratisation of South Africa was accomplished through a compromise that was negotiated between the major political actors and which re ected the intra-, as well as the inter-dynamics in the domains of, state - political society - civil society. Thus, the main theme of this thesis is, that in the analysis of the dynamics of the tran- sition to democracy in South Africa, a basic framework in which the domains of, state - political society - civil society, are the domains where structural variables (such as culture, economic development, class structures, increased education and the international environ- ment) and behavioural variables (such as major political actors, elite factions, organisations from civil society) interact. Thus, in the diachronic analysis of South Africa's transition, an interactive approach, that seeks to relate structural constraints to the shaping of contingent choice, is followed. At the same time, the institutional substitution of a new democratic political dispensation is examined. In conclusion, democracies are complex phenomena, and they are caused by many di er- ent forces and synthesizing the relevant theoretical approaches to political change provides a more cogent and comprehensive explanation of democratic transition in South Africa. / (D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

This thesis focuses on strategies of representation in South African anti-apartheid documentary film and video from the late 1970s to 1995. It identifies and analyses two broad trends within this movement: the first developed by the organisation called Video News Services; the second developed in the Mail and Guardian Television series called Ordinary People. Two history series are analysed against the backdrop of transformations in the television broadcasting sector in the early 1990s. South African documentary film and video is located within a theoretical framework that interweaves documentary film theory, theories of Third cinema and of identity, rid working class cinema of the 1920s and 1930s. The concepts of ‘voice’ and the ‘speaking subject’ are the two key concepts that focus the discussion of strategies of representation in detailed textual analyses of selected documentaries. The analysis of three documentaries that typify the output of Video News Services reveals how these documentary texts establish a symbiosis between representations of the working class as black, male, and allied to COSATU, and the liberation struggle. The analysis of selected documentaries from the Ordinary People series highlights those strategies of representation that facilitate perceptions of the multiplicities of identities in South Africa. This focus on representations of identity is extended in analysing and comparing two television series. The strategies of representation evident in the Video News Services documentaries and the meanings they produce about identify are repeated in the series called Ulibambe Lingashoni: Hold Up the Sun. In Soweto: A History, strategies of representation that follow the trend towards representing identity as multiple are used to present history as if from the perspective of ‘ordinary’ people. The thesis creates an argument for South African documentary film and video to move towards strategies of representation that break down the fixed categories of identity developed under apartheid. With policy moves for creating more ‘local content’ films and television productions there is opportunity to re-shape the documentary film and video movement in South Africa using representational strategies that blur the boundaries between documentary and fiction, and between individualised, discrete categories of identity.

“The post-apartheid Left is a group of people whose values and visions go way beyond apartheid, in fact, go right back to the 19th century Europe, in the final analysis, and perhaps even earlier, to people like Marx and Engels and so on, to a vision of an industrial and even post-industrial world, in which human beings would live in harmony without exploitation, without oppression, and not merely without racial exploitation, in other words also without class exploitation, without gender oppression and so on.” - Dr Neville Alexander, May 1997.

Abstract in English, Afrikaans and IsiXhosa. / This study investigates the first national poll tax levied on African men in the Union of South Africa. Known as the “general tax”, it was enacted in terms of the Natives Taxation and Development Act of 1925, and was imposed irrespective of a man’s income or impecuniousness. The historical background to the Act is outlined, and debates and disputes leading up to its promulgation are considered. The difficulties underlying the application, interpretation, and enforcement of the Act, are also examined. Court case judgments involving men who denied their inclusion under the Act’s central, racial definition of “native”, are explored. The case of one individual whose descendants were brought to Natal as “liberated slaves”, is discussed in some detail. The Act’s definition of “native” affected not only individual men, but also a number of black groups whose racial and tax status was in some doubt. Responses to a Native Affairs Department directive, explicitly excluding “Hottentots, Bushmen and Korannas” from the ambit of the Act, are accordingly investigated. Problems surrounding the Griquas, whose tax status was initially ignored in legislation and in official circulars, are investigated. The taxation of farm labourers, among the lowest paid workers in the country, is also examined. Queries and complaints from magistrates, white farmers and from African men are recorded. The interpretation of the Secretary of Native Affairs on the relevant provisions of the Act and his responses to queries and objections relating to the taxation of those workers, are also investigated. / Esi sifundo siphanda irhafu yokuqala yesizwe eyayibizwa kumadoda ama-Afrika kweMdibaniso woMzantsi Afrika. Le rhafu kwakusithiwa yi“rhafu jikelele”, kwaye yayisekwe ngokomthetho owaziwa ngokuba yiNatives Taxation and Development Act wonyaka we-1925, kwaye yayifunwa kuwo onke amadoda nokuba ahlupheke kangakanani na. Imbali yalo Mthetho inikiwe, kwaye kuphononongwe neengxoxo neengxabano ezakhokelela ekuphunyezweni kwawo. Kuqwalaselwe kwakhona ubunzima obavela xa kwakucelelwa ukuphunyezwa kwawo, indlela yokuwutolika nokuwunyanzelisa. Kukwaphononongwe nezigwebo zeenkundla zamatyala ezimalunga namadoda awayesala ukubandakanywa nenkcazelo yalo Mthetho, eyayicalula ngokwebala, neyayisithi “iinzalelwane”. Kuxoxwe banzi ngetyala losapho lwenye indoda olwaziswa eNatala kusithiwa “ngamakhoboka akhululweyo”. Kuphandiwe ngendlela ababeziva ngayo abantu xa kwaphuma isinyanzeliso seSebe Lemicimbi Yeenzalelwane, esithi “Amaqhakancu, AbaThwa namaKoranna” awafakwa wona kulo Mthetho. Inkcazelo yoMthetho ethi “iinzalelwane” yayingachaphazeli nje amadoda kuphela, yayichaphazela namanye amaqela abantu abantsundu ababengaqondakali ncam ukuba baloluphi na uhlanga, kwaye sisithini isimo sabo serhafu. Ziphononongiwe neengxaki ezazingqonge amaGriqua, wona ayenesimo serhafu esingahoywanga, engananzwanga nangokuseMthethweni nakwiimbalelwano zoburhulumente. Okunye okuphandiweyo kukubizwa irhafu kwabasebenzi basezifama, bona babengabona bahlawulwa kancinci. Zishicilelwe nezikhalazo nemibuzo evela kwiimantyi, amafama amhlophe namadoda ama-Afrika. Ziphononongiwe iindlela zokutolikwa kwezilungiselelo zoMthetho, zitolikwa nguNobhala wemicimbi Yeenzalelwane nendlela lo Nobhala awayephendula ngayo imibuzo nezikhalazo ezazibhekiselele kwabo basebenzi. / Hierdie studie ondersoek die eerste nasionale hoofbelasting wat op Afrika-mans in die Unie van Suid-Afrika gehef is. Hierdie sogenaamde “algemene belasting” is ingevolge die Naturelle Belasting en Ontwikkeling Wet van 1925 voorgeskryf, en is gehef ongeag ’n man se inkomste of onvermoëndheid. Die historiese agtergrond tot die Wet word uiteengesit, en debatte en dispute wat tot die uitvaardiging daarvan gelei het, word oorweeg. Die probleme verbonde aan die toepassing, uitleg en afdwinging van die Wet word ook ondersoek. Hofbeslissings rakende mans wat hul insluiting onder die Wet se sentrale, rasse-definisie van ‘“naturel” ontken het, word bestudeer. Die saak van een individu wie se afstammelinge as “bevryde slawe” na Natal gebring is, word in besonderhede bespreek. Die Wet se definisie van “naturel” het nie net individuele mans beïnvloed nie, maar ook ’n aantal swart groepe oor wie se rasse- en belastingstatus onsekerheid bestaan het. Reaksies op ’n aanwysing van die Departement Naturellesake, wat uitdruklik “Hottentotte, Boesmans en Korannas” van die toepassingsbestek van die Wet uitsluit, word dienooreenkomstig ondersoek. Probleme met betrekking tot die Griekwas, wie se belastingstatus aanvanklik in wetgewing en amptelike omsendbriewe geïgnoreer is, word verken. Die belastingbetaling deur plaasarbeiders, wat onder die laags besoldigde werkers in die land was, word ook bekyk. Navrae en klagtes van landdroste, wit boere en Afrika-mans word vermeld. Die uitleg van die tersaaklike bepalings van die Wet deur die Sekretaris van Naturellesake en sy reaksies op navrae oor en besware teen die belastingpligtigheid van daardie werkers word ook ondersoek. / College of Accounting Sciences / M. Compt (Accounting Science)

In the 1950s, apartheid policies in the Natal countryside served to oppress the majority of African women more than they had ever been before. Yet ironically, it was their being 'left behind' by the system of migrant labour that goaded them into taking overt action against their condition in 1959. The aim of this mini-dissertation is to trace and explain their struggle against "grand apartheid". These women were a force to be reckoned with, and the government of the day felt temporarily threatened by their actions. This study vehemently rejects the misconception that the African women of the rural areas of Natal were docile, slave-like individuals, who placidly accepted their position. The protest marches in the 1950's, more especially 1959, proved African women to be strong-willed and determined to succeed against all odds. These women emerge as anything but placid and docile. History has shown us that women's oppression is not simply a matter of equal rights or discrimination under the law. African women struggled to be recognised as human beings, no different from any other race. In the early 1950's African women, in most parts of South Africa, became more politically active. They played a significant role in the 1952 Defiance Campaign. Shortly after that a "Women's Charter" was adopted. It sought the liberation of all people, the common society of men and women. It took women like Lilian Ngoyi, who made history in 1956 by leading 20 000 women to the Union Buildings in Pretoria in protest against passes for women, to ignite rolling mass action in the various Provinces. This thesis tells of the contemporary struggle of African women in the 1950's, more especially 1959, in Natal. This is a tribute to the countless African women who have made courageous sacrifices in order for change. It is through their radical and somewhat aggressive stance that we have a lot to be thankful for today. We must be mindful of the fact that in the Apartheid era the law itself was used to oppress people. In our new-found democracy it is pleasing to note that the law is somewhat gender sensitive, so that it does not discriminate against men or women in its application. Many of us who research African women are mere observers, who digest what we read, hear and see. Many of us do not understand the complex African way of life. We tend to employ Eurocentric theories and assumptions, which instead serve as a handicap. Thus the African woman is seen as a victim of the African male, and of traditional customs and practices. We fail to see that African women did from the outset, have varying degrees of economic independence, and that colonialism was responsible for depriving African women of their political as well as economic status. These women can claim a degree of triumph in that in the wake of the mass protest action, it took the government years to implement its policy of passes for women. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1999.

After its banning in 1961 the ANC, together with the South African Communist Party, adopted the armed struggle. Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was formed and had its debut in December of the same year. When the MK command was arrested at Rivonia outside Johannesburg most of the remaining members went into exile. The banning of the ANC forced the members not just to go underground but also to go into exile and their first haven was the newly independent Tanzania. The 1960's witnessed the flight into exile of most members of the organisation. In Tanzania, members of the ANC and MK came into contact with members of other liberation movements, including the liberation movements [Tom Portuguese Africa. As the 1960's progressed MK was responsible for training recruits in various African countries, most notably in Tanzania and Zambia. In 1967 they launched their first major campaign, together with the Zimbabwe People's Union (ZAPU), into southern Rhodesia in an effort to reach South Africa. The campaign failed and several members were put in prison in Bechuanaland. On their release some of the cadres, amongst them Chris Hani, voiced criticism of the leadership. This criticism was expressed just as the leaders of the organisation gathered for their first major conference in exile, the Morogoro conference in Tanzania At Morogoro the emphasis on armed struggle was affirmed, and it was agreed that the other pillar supporting the struggle would be international relations. After the Morogoro conference MK continued to train recruits in Zambia and Tanzania, but the situation was increasingly difficult as internal problems in these countries led to the expulsion of several liberation movements. In 1974 a new wave of South Africans went into exile, and at the same time the liberation war in Portuguese Africa entered its last phase. When Angola became independent the ANC began negotiating with the new government about the possible establishment of new training facilities for MK in Angola. When the students of Soweto went into revolt, reacting against the introduction of Afrikaans as the main language in their schools, the ANC, the MK command and their rivals the PAC were taken aback. The first wave of new recruits was flown to Tanzania before they were re-routed to Luanda In Angola they were sent to the southern parts of the country, to Benguela and later to Nova Katengue. By 1979 nine camps had been established in Angola: there was a transit camp outside Luanda, and camps at Benguela, Nova Katengue, Gabela, Fazenda, Quibaxe, Pango, Camp 32 (Quatro) and Funda The main camp was Nova Katengue. The camp got the nickname of University of the South because of the emphasis there on ideological, political and academic courses. But one episode of attempted food poisoning and later the bombing by the South African Air Force focused attention on the need for internal security in the camps, and a Security Department took shape in the region. After the bombing which left Nova Katengue flattened to the ground, MK left their southern camps; a series of meetings took place in Luanda which resulted in a revised strategy outlined in "the Green Book". In 1979 MK participated in a second campaign together with ZAPU; as the attempt to reach South Africa was once again unsuccessful most of the participants found themselves back in the Angolan camps. This failure, together with the degrading conditions in which the cadres were living, fuelled a spiral of discontent in the camps. The food was sparse and the sanitary conditions were bad. A feeling of stagnation spread among the cadres, who were disillusioned at the bleak prospect of infiltrating back into South Africa. In the beginning of the 1980's the roads between Luanda and the eastern camps around Malanje, Caculama and Camalundi became unsafe as the South African-backed UNITA guerrillas increased their attacks. MK forces were deployed around the town of Cacuso to guard the railway line and secure the safety of the road, and this deployment aggravated the dissatisfaction of the cadres. At the end of 1983 some members of the security department beat a sick cadre to death. This triggered off a mutiny in some of the camps. The leadership defused this, the first in a series of mutinies. In 1984 a second mutiny took place in Viana The mutineers elected a Committee of Ten to forward a set of demands to the leadership. But the leadership was not ready to listen and the Angolan presidential guard quelled the mutiny. When a third mutiny erupted in Pango three months later no demands were made and no committee was elected, but the Pango mutiny was more violent. After the disturbances at Viana but before the Pango mutiny, a commission had been sent out from Lusaka to find the reasons for the uprising. The commission found that the main reasons were the deteriorating living conditions, the lack of proper health services and the deployment on the eastern front. Later reports came to similar conclusions regarding the reasons for the mutiny. However, the reports differ regarding the degree of punishment used in the region after the mutinies. The Committee of Ten was imprisoned after the mutinies. However preparations were made to meet their main demand, which had been for the calling of a national consultative conference and in 1985 the Kabwe conference took place in Zambia. Some restructuring of the organisation and army took place and the much criticised Security Department was made accountable to the leadership. Life in the Angolan camps continued much as before but efforts were made to provide some vocational training and better health services. The deployment on the eastern front came to an end, but soon MK came under attack on the roads between Luanda and their northern camps. The attacks intensified as other forces in Angola gathered around the south central town of Cuito Cuanavale, and eventually the siege of Cuito Cuanavale forced the South African regime to the negotiating table. After the siege the Namibia Agreement was signed. One of the terms of the agreement was that MK had to leave Angola and search for new havens, and in 1989 and 1990 most of the cadres were flown to Uganda. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2002.

The study deals with the migration of large numbers of black workers from white-owned farms in the Albany and Bathurst districts to Grahamstown. In South Africa the migration of farm residents to the towns has not yet received much attention from researchers. Instead, most migrant studies have concentrated on the migration from the 'homeland' areas and for this reason little is known about the people who have been associated with the farms in some cases for five generations. From the 1940s these farms were rapidly losing labour largely on account of the introduction of mechanization and land rationalization. At that time many farm dwellers were migrating to Grahamstown and, to same extent, Port Elizabeth. The past few decades witnessed a massive further migration from these farms and this, together with natural increase, contributed to the 53,9% increase in Graharnstown's black population in the 1970-80 decade. The study has these aims: 1. To consider the factors that have promoted the move away from the farms , especially as from the end of the Second World War. 2. To account for the overwhelming attraction of Grahamstown as a destination among those who must, or decide to, migrate. 3. To assess the mode of adaptation of those who settle in Grahamstown pennanently. Those who have been in town for several decades provide a background for the central focus of the study, the new irrmigrants who came to town a decade ago or more recently. The latter include people who migrated to town from August 1984, i.e. during a period of extra-ordinary political developments and serious unrest in Grahamstown. The study places an emphasis on the way the imnigrants themselves perceive the process. The aims of the study which have been mentioned above revolve around the impoverishment of rural inhabitants who must now work for wages with hardly any measure of autonomy over the major aspects of their lives while those who go and live in town must contend with a competitive urban economy in which economic opportunities are scarce. This is the central problem of this thesis.

Thesis (M.A.)

This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.