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From pity to productivity: the case of social cash transfers in MozambiqueLe, Teresa Nguyen January 2016 (has links)
Submitted in partial fulfilment for the requirements for
Masters of Arts in Development Studies by coursework and research report
In the Graduate School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2016 / Social cash transfer programmes on the African continent have more than doubled in the last decade, and this signifies a transformation in the perception of social cash transfers as ‘pity handouts’ to how they are seen today, as ‘productive investments’ in human capabilities. Southern Africa has been a pioneer in social protection growth in the last twenty years, but often accounts of these histories focus on pension schemes in places such as South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, and Lesotho. There is little incorporation of Mozambique’s social protection history, and most histories do not detail that Mozambique ranks fourth chronologically, in introduction of cash transfer programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa. This research puts forth that the Mozambican case of an early adoption of cash transfers in 1990 is a positive and unique example of a state’s active role in social protection despite neoliberal constraints. The state-led adoption of cash transfers in response to rising inequality and economic instability is unexpected at a time when these programmes were unpopular development interventions and when the state was supposedly rolled-back and confined because neoliberalism and the civil war. Tracing the history of Mozambican social cash transfers in the last 25 years illustrates two consistencies of the Mozambican government: 1. A supportive political position towards state involvement in welfare programmes, despite the government’s own political and development sector transformation from Marxist-Leninist orientation to welcoming of privatization; and 2. State financial and political support of social protection throughout a period when cash transfers in Sub-Saharan Africa went from unpopular hand-out interventions during crises, to lobbying for permanent social protection as a mechanism to address chronic poverty. / GR2017
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The role of non-farm sources of income in rural poverty alleviation in the Boane disrict of MozambiqueBila, Aniceto Timóteo 23 May 2005 (has links)
Please read the abstract in the section 00front of this document / Dissertation (M Inst Agrar (Agricultural Economics))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Agricultural Economics, Extension and Rural Development / unrestricted
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Application of a framework to assess wildlife policy and its implementation in Mocambique.Soto, Bartolomeu. January 2004 (has links)
Wildlife management in Moryambique has had a troubled history. The end of civil war and
installment of a democratic Government provided opportunity to redefine policy and
implementation of conservation. Weakened by civil strife and with wildlife decimated in many
areas, Government sought approaches to conservation that would promote participation by investors
and civil society, particularly rural communities. The intention is to acknowledge the rights of rural
people to resources and the benefits that can accrue from their use. Partnerships are seen as a way in
which Government can bring the required financial and human resources to bear whilst at the same
time engendering positive attitudes to conservation in general, and to policy in particular.
The purpose of this research is to examine, using two case study conservation areas, the
consequences of Government's attempts to implement its policy. The philosophical basis for the
research is that policy reform and implementation should be envisaged as a complex system
comprising many interactions and that when this complexity is not acknowledged and addressed
systemically, it predisposes the process of policy reform and implementation to failure. A principal
cause of failure is considered to be that assumptions are not made explicit and this results in
development and application of an approach that does not accord with reality. Further, because of
the networked nature of the system, failure at one point can be magnified as its consequences are
propagated through the system.
A conceptual framework for policy reform and implementation is developed. This exposes some
critical assumptions about Government's capacity to implement policy and the ways in which
implementation is experienced by stakeholders, especially local communities. Context is provided
by tracing the evolution of approaches to conservation in Moryambique from the pre-colonial era to
the present. The findings are that Government does not have the capacity to implement its
conservation policy and this is shown to have serious implications for how local people perceive
and respond to Government approaches to conservation. Causal factors are analysed and assessed. It
is concluded that the process of policy reform and implementation is complex but that a systems
approach provides a simple and easily comprehended way in which this complexity can be
interpreted and taken into account with potentially very significant benefits.
Perceptions are shown to be a powerful determinant of response to policy reform and
implementation. As these are commonly a basis for destructive tensions between parties, it is
suggested that research directed at defining the principles that should underpin management of
perceptions and tensions should be encouraged. / Thesis (M.Env.Dev.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.
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Nation building in Mozambique : an assessment of the secondary school teachers’ placement scheme, 1975 – 1985Mabunda, Moises Eugenio 12 September 2005 (has links)
This study analyses the practice implemented by the government of Mozambique immediately after independence, from 1975 to 1985, of placing secondary school teachers around the country. Such practice consisted of putting teachers born in the south of the country to teach either in the central, or in the northern region, on the one hand; on the another, those who were born in the centre of the country were being placed to work or in the south, or in the north; and those born in the north were being sent to teach in the central or southern part of the country. The government’s arguments in so doing were to mould a nation. The study explores whether this practices was a deliberate policy. The presupposition that it may have been a formal policy comes from the fact that during the struggle for the liberation of Mozambique, the then movement leading the war, Frelimo, had as its guiding principle to ‘kill the tribe for the nation to be born’; so people from different regions of the country were compelled to work closely together in every activity of the movement. The theoretical framework includes a discussion of the concepts of ‘ethnic group’, ‘nation’, ‘nationalism’ and ‘nation-state’. Throughout the literature review, the way nations have been historically constituted worldwide, the way African leaders tried to build their nations, the philosophy behind the idea of ‘nation-states’ they developed are discussed at length. Given that education has been considered as a key pillar to achieve this specific end, the contribution of this sector to the processes of building a nation is brought to the fore. The study is a qualitative analysis and exploratory in essence. Fifty persons – including high ranking officials and teachers – who designed and implemented or were involved in the practice, were interviewed as the main foundation of the research. The outcomes of the analysis as well as the analogy itself are multidisciplinary. It concludes that the practice was not a policy in the classical meaning, that is a core of written principles and practices approved by a competent social institution and followed in a certain community, it existed only in speeches. Secondly, that in fact the practice contributed to the nation building process, people involved in it gained awareness of the vastness and ethnic diversity of the country. Finally, it reveals that de facto the policy had unintended interpretations. Given that the majority of the people sent throughout the country were southerners – something which the headmasters of the practice apparently were not aware of –, the unbalance of educated cadres that began during the colonial period were simply perpetuated and not critically addressed. As a result, “Southern dominance” in the administration of the country (in this instance the education system) provided the basis for dissatisfaction in other areas of the country. The study agrees with Connor (1990) that nation-building is a process, and concludes that Mozambique is on the road to nation formation, to which the practice contributed to a considerable degree. / Dissertation (M (Social Science in Sociology))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Sociology / unrestricted
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