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House Resolution 109 mandates the duty of the United States Federal Government to the people of the United States to create a Green New Deal to combat the triple crises that people are currently facing. In order to understand this mandate and whether or not it is calling for sustainable changes, a discourse analysis was used to examine the discourse as text, interaction and context. This study seeks to fill in a gap of missing literature about House Resolution 109 due to its recent creation. The results show that while author Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez emphasizes her beliefs of democratic socialism throughout the text as well as economic-based solution, the document lacks strong sustainability and fails to address the intricacies of sustainable development.

Poland is known for its hesitant attitude towards the Green New Deal. Such approach is often expressed in the political discourse of the governing party, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. Despite approval of the European Green Deal, Polish action plans for energy transition are not ambitious. A significant part of Polish society, characterized by low environmental awareness, opposes decarbonization. This paper examines factors limiting and enabling a Green New Deal in Poland as seen through the perspective of Polish media discourse. Content analysis was applied to identify the frequency of aspects mentioned in national newspapers supporting or hindering the agenda of a Polish Green New Deal. The study is focused on media coverage of the ecological crisis, the European Union effect, neo-pluralist mobilization, or green conversion prospects, as factors potentially enabling a Green New Deal in Poland. It concentrates on media coverage related to the Soviet legacy, dependency on dirty energy, and the domestic power of energy firms and corporatist links between the ruling party and state- owned companies, and Euroscepticism, as prospective factors disenabling a Green New Deal in Poland. The findings raise a question if the promotion of universal environmental and energy standards is possible given countries’ differences in economic profile and level of development.

Cette thèse suit l’évolution et la transmission du concept de GND à travers le temps et l’espace via l’analyse des documents produits par les groupes GND de Grande Bretagne, d’Irlande et d’Irlande du Nord dans une perspective comparative. La thèse intègre des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives, dont des entretiens semistructurés, l’analyse lexicométrique et une forme adaptée de l’Analyse Critique du Discours afin de répondre à la question suivante : « Comment les discours et les idéologies des 'Green New Deals' de l'Irlande, la Grande-Bretagne et l'Irlande du Nord peuvent-ils être compris en relation les uns aux autres et dans leurs contextes respectifs ? » La thèse explore l'influence des contextes et des groupes sur les discours et le contenu idéologique des textes Green New Deal, et avance l’argument que bien que les Green New Deals aient, à des degrés divers, le potentiel pour constituer la première étape d'une transition sur le long terme vers une économie politique juste et verte, ils se doivent de développer certains thèmes pour permettre à leur potentiel transformateur d’opérer, au lieu de renforcer les idéologies actuellement dominantes. / This thesis follows the evolution and transmission of the Green New Deal concept through time and space by examining the British, Irish and Northern Irish Green New Deal documents from a comparative perspective. It uses quantitative and qualitative methods including Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis and the collection of elite oral history interviews to respond to the guiding question, “How can the discourses and embedded ideologies of the Green New Deals of the Republic of Ireland, Great Britain and Northern Ireland be understood in relation to one another and their respective contexts?”. The thesis explores the influence of contexts and groups on the discourses and ideological contents of the Green New Deal texts, ultimately finding that though the Green New Deals have the potential to act as transitional documents in a move towards a just green political economy, further work must be done to develop key themes in the texts and ensure they realise their transformative potential rather than simply reinforcing currently dominant ideologies.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate how digital activism is conducted on Twitter, particularly in relation to the dialogues and demands for Europe’s green economic recovery plan from COVID-19. It seeks to analyse the communication made using #GreenRecovery on Twitter by various actors over the period of May to June 2020, guided by the theory of public sphere and social movement and literature on digital activism, hashtag activism, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Political Activity (CPA) using a qualitative and quantitative content analysis.By analysing the frequency patterns of tweets and by uncovering the different types of communication, this paper sheds light on the users involved as well as the issue frames and mobilisation strategies that were visible in the #GreenRecovery discourse . Results of this study demonstrate that #GreenRecovery is used by varying actors on Twitter such as individuals, social movements, businesses and others. Furthermore, the hashtag has been used to raise awareness, communicate particular information, mobilize action and also employ assertion as dominant digital spectator activity. Tweets with #GreenRecovery was primarily framed towards the need for a redesign of the economy, indicating demands for changes in policies by targeting accounts of political actors from the EU Commission. It is further implied that during the discourse, #GreenRecovery acted as a structural signifier as a response to the leaked proposal of the Recovery Plan demonstrating that it has the potential to create hashtag communities.