Cette étude menée sur les fondations canoniales de Geoffroy du Loroux, archevêque de Bordeaux de 1136 à 1158, a pour objectif de montrer une implication du prélat dans le parti architectural de ses fondations qui présentent a priori une similitude en plan et en élévation. Grand artisan de la réforme grégorienne en Aquitaine, l’action de Geoffroy du Loroux est bien cernée par sa collection de sermons mais ses fondations n’ont jamais fait l’objet d’une étude de synthèse. Chacune des quatre fondations attribuées à l’archevêque, l’Isle et Pleine-Selve (Gironde), Sablonceaux (Charente-Maritime) et Fontaine-le-Comte (Vienne), a été soumise à une analyse architecturale approfondie, complétée d’une étude métrologique, afin d’appréhender chaque édifice dans sa globalité. Les éléments conservés du XIIe siècle ont ensuite été soumis à une étude comparative. En outre, une discussion est menée autour de l’attribution à Geoffroy du Loroux de la reconstruction de la cathédrale de Bordeaux dès le XIIe siècle.Il s’avère que les fondations liées à Geoffroy du Loroux adoptent un parti architectural stéréotypé et d’une esthétique ostensiblement austère. L’archevêque apparaît comme un prélat soucieux de laisser à ses successeurs des modèles pour transmettre le message de la réforme grégorienne, tant au travers de ses sermons qu’au niveau de ses fondations. Ces dernières se devaient d’être représentatives d’une grande humilité et du retour à la rigueur prôné par la réforme, en totale opposition avec le faste clunisien. Ce travail amène à s’interroger sur le rôle des collégiales qui, utilisées tel un outil de diffusion de la réforme, ont pu freiner l’implantation de Cluny dans le Bordelais. / The purpose of this study on the canonical foundations of Geoffroy du Loroux, Archbishop of Bordeaux from 1136 to 1158, is to reveal the involvement of the prelate in the architectural party of its foundations that seem a priori to show similarities in plan and elevation. As a great artisan of the Gregorian reform in Aquitaine, the action of Geoffroy du Loroux is well surrounded through his collection of sermons while its foundations were never subjected to a dedicated study.Each of the four foundations attributed to the Archbishop, l’Isle and Pleine-Selve (Gironde), Sablonceaux (Charente-Maritime), and Fontaine-le-Comte (Vienne), was subjected to a in depth architectural analysis, completed by a metrological study, to apprehend each building as a whole. The elements preserved from the XIIth century were then subjected to a comparative study. Moreover, a discussion is also conducted on the attribution to Geoffroy du Loroux of the rebuilding of the Cathedral of Bordeaux starting in the XIIth century.It turns out that the Foundations related to Geoffroy du Loroux adopt a stereotypical and ostensibly austere architectural party. The Archbishop appears as a prelate who intended to leave to his successors models to convey the message of the Gregorian reform, both through his sermons and its foundations. The latter had to be representative of the great humility and return to the rigour advocated by the reform, in contrast with the pomp of Cluny. This work brings into question the role of canon communities as a dissemination tool for the reform, which could account for the slowdown of the implementation of Cluny in the region of Bordeaux.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:21:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thiago Jose Esperandio.pdf: 788790 bytes, checksum: 7e097f3e9790dedcab101ae3aaf8850f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-19 / It intends to analyze the social history of the music, which, around XI e XII centuries, is aesthetically innovated at the same time that several social changes happen. This new music (polyphonic) is a technical variation of the Gregorian Chant (monophonic). Its evolution happens mainly in the church environment, but its relation with the clerics was not always peaceful. Because it was developed in the urban cathedrals-churches and universities, it did not totally join with the church tradition, it used to represent a deviation from the church, which, until that moment, had as its scholars centers, the monastery. This fact was enough to generate doubts about using or not this music in the churches celebrations. Although these doubts existed, they had never taken the clerics to any arbitrary actions in relation to the polyphonic music. During the XII and XIII centuries, a social stability and the church hegemony contributed for the dialog between clerics and musicians, but the actions of the temporal power against the church in the XIV century, made it look more carefully to the elements that the secular society brought to its practices in the celebrations. This is when Pope John XXII decrees the bull Docta Sanctorum Patrum prohibiting the practice of polyphonic music, mainly the one that were practiced by new schools and had secular characteristics, in churches celebration . Studying the reasons that influenced the Pope to take this action is the principal objective of this study / Tem por objetivo analisar a história social da música que, por volta dos séculos XI e XII, ganha inovações estéticas contemporâneas a uma série de mudanças sociais ocorridas no período. A nova música que surge (polifônica) é uma variação técnica do chamado Canto Gregoriano (monofônico), sua evolução se deu principalmente no âmbito clerical, mas nem sempre sua relação com a Igreja foi pacífica. Por ser uma música desenvolvida nas igrejas-catedrais urbanas e nas universidades, ela tinha elementos externos à sua tradição, representava uma ruptura com a Igreja, que, até então tinha como centro de aprendizado os mosteiros rurais. Esse fato foi suficiente para que fossem gerados questionamentos quanto à legitimidade do uso dessa nova música na liturgia, embora esses questionamentos não tivessem gerado nenhuma atitude arbitrária em relação à prática da música polifônica em ambiente religioso. Durante os séculos XII e XIII, uma certa estabilidade social e a hegemonia da Igreja colaborou para o diálogo, até que um avanço do poder temporal sobre a Igreja no século XIV a levou-a a rever com mais rigidez os elementos que a sociedade trazia para dentro de suas práticas. Foi então que uma bula do Papa João XXII (Docta Sanctorum Patrum) proibiu que a música polifônica, principalmente a que vinha de novas escolas e tinham características estéticas secularizadas fosse proibida em atos litúrgicos. Estudar os motivos que impeliram o Papa a tomar tal atitude é o objetivo principal desta pesquisa

En 1857, Joseph d'Ortigue constatait que les maîtrises des cathédrales en France, en activité au cours de la première moitié du XIXe siècle, ne pourraient jamais prétendre au rôle qu'elles avaient rempli pendant des siècles avant leur fermeture en 1791. Malgré le soutien dans un premier temps des pouvoirs publics, la tentative de refondation souhaitée pour chaque cathédrale, s'est en effet soldée par un échec : l'Église catholique n'a pas réussi à redonner au culte l'éclat musical et cantoral qu'il revêtait avant la Révolution. À travers l'étude de la maîtrise du Mans de 1801 à 1860, « une des premières rétablies et une des plus florissantes », cette thèse analyse les principales causes de cet échec inévitable : l'incertitude des ressources financières, l'évolution des mentalités en matière de religion, la formation incomplète des nouvelles générations de musiciens d'Église, le changement des goûts musicaux. Dans les années 1830-40, la liturgie et sa musique sont l'objet de vives polémiques où s’affrontent les partisans d'une musique expressive et les militants d'une restauration du plain-chant. Le renouveau musical dans les cathédrales, et notamment au Mans, ne trouve finalement son accomplissement qu'après une réforme de la liturgie qui définit la musique la plus appropriée au culte. Avec le retour de la liturgie romaine et du chant grégorien, plus de cinquante ans d’efforts auront été nécessaires pour que les cérémonies religieuses gagnent en cohérence ce qu’elles ont perdu en éclat. / In 1857, Joseph d’Ortigue saw that the music schools attached to French cathedrals in the first half of the 19th century could never play the part they had had for centuries, until they were closed in 1791. Though they were at first officially aided, all the cathedrals failed when they tried to revive their musical activity : the catholic church did not succeed in giving back to their celebrations the brilliance of music and song that had been theirs before the Revolution. Studying the Le Mans music school from 1801 to 1860 – it was « one of the first to be re-estblished and one of the most flourishing » –, this thesis analyses the main causes of this inevitable failure: the uncertainty of financial resources, the evolution of habits of thought as regarded religion, the incomplete training of the new generation of church musicians, as well as the changes in musical tastes. In the years 1830-1840, the liturgy and its music are hotly argued about by those in favour of an expressive music and those advocating a restoration of plain chant. The musical revival in cathedrals – notably in Le Mans – was eventually achieved only after a reform of the liturgy defining which music is most suitable for divine worship. With the return of the Roman liturgy and Gregorian chant, over fifty years were necessary for religious ceremonies to gain in coherency what they had lost in brilliance.

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The reception of the german dialect of the gregorian chant between 1900 an aprox. 1950 (Abstract) In today's musicology, the germanic chant dialect («germanischer Choraldialekt») ist nearly unimportant. Especially in the first half of the 20th century, it was very different. In particular, the invention of the term by Peter Wagner of Fribourg in 1925 promoted the perception of a melodic phenomenon, which can be found equally in many sources of plain chant in central europe. The oldest witnesses of the phenomenon are adiastematic sources, the youngest ones were restored, restituted or newly composed in the first half of the 20th century. So this tradition is existing for more than 1000 years. The present work examines how this tradition has been scientifically, historically and practically elaborated in the last century. The chapter on the history of research shows that the phenomenon of the germanic chant dialect was still considered a local tradition of individual dioceses or monasteries in the 19th century. Michael Hermesdorff from Trier was the first to recognize striking similarities between these fragmented traditions; his pupil Peter Wagner founded the basics of the scientific research. Not all musicologists agreed with Wagner's findings and explanations, but his term and his theory prevailed. In the...

Adam von Fulda, German musician, composer and teacher, completed his important treatise on music in 1490. While representing a conservative, northern tradition in late-medieval music theory, it also shows some evidence of humanist influence. The treatise is divided into four books which discuss the origins and uses of music, the theory of plainchant, mensuration and notation of rhythm, and proportions, respectively. Thus, throughout this informative work, Adam mixes the practical with the speculative. Although his style of explaining technical matters is clear and succinct, he also engages the reader's interest with his polemical and rhetorical digressions. This dissertation presents a detailed commentary upon Book II of the treatise, on musica plana (plainchant), accompanied by a translation from the Latin. The first two chapters of the dissertation are concerned with the biographical information available on Adam von Fulda, as well as with the format and transmission of the treatise. Three chapters of the dissertation serve as the commentary. Chapter III discusses Adam's treatment of the practical aspects of singing plainchant, including his discussions of the Guidonian hand, the gamut, the naming of pitches, hexachords and mutation (material covered in Chapters 1 to 6 of the treatise's second book). Chapter IV of the dissertation considers the subject of musical intervals as covered by Adam, and the ten rules of composition provided in his Chapters 7 to 12. These rules are perhaps the most interesting and unusual part of Book II, as they go beyond the stated subject of plainchant. Written composition, not just improvised counterpoint, is treated in a manner that anticipates later humanist regard for music as an art. Finally, Chapter V examines Adam's treatment of the modes of plainchant (discussed in his Chapters 13 to 17). A conclusion summarizes Adam's impact on later theorists and the importance of the treatise.

La thèse exploite, pour la première fois, d’exceptionnels manuscrits de l’office cistercien. Comprenant la liturgie cistercienne d’origine messine copiée vers 1136/1140, ces documents ont servi, quelques années plus tard, de brouillons à la réforme liturgique et musicale de Bernard de Clairvaux. Ils ont été partiellement biffés et grattés de façon à correspondre aux nouvelles normes cisterciennes.<p>La principale liasse d’épreuves bernardines, constituée des quelque 185 folios de l’antiphonaire 12A-B de Westmalle, constitue le socle de la thèse et la matière du tableau liturgique général présenté dans l’annexe 3. Cette table distingue les pièces de première main de celles écrites par les correcteurs bernardins. Les autres épreuves, l’antiphonaire 6 de Tamié (Savoie) et les fragments de la Fille-Dieu (Suisse), ont été reproduites dans l’annexe 2. Avec les folios de Westmalle 12A-B, elles sont les seules à conserver une part importante des mélodies originelles, à révéler les corrections et les procédures bernardines. Les analyses codicologique et paléographique des documents, mises en relation avec les données historiques, ont permis de dégager deux phases de corrections et de situer l’achèvement de la réforme bernardine, vraisemblablement à Hautcrêt vers 1143.<p>Le répertoire de l’hymnaire a été revu (chapitre IV) et celui de la messe, réexaminé à la lumière des reliquats du premier graduel cistercien, jusqu’ici inexploités. Ces bribes intactes ont été confrontées aux équivalents de la deuxième réforme et ouvrent (chapitre III) l’étude comparative des chants de l’office du premier et du deuxième Cîteaux (chapitres VII à X). <p>Au fil de l’analyse, des échantillons tirés du graduel ou de l’antiphonaire sont présentés dans les tableaux synoptiques rassemblés dans l’annexe 1. Chacun d’entre eux comprend, quand c’est possible, la première version cistercienne originelle reconstituée, la version bernardine et, selon les besoins, un panel plus ou moins important de référents grégoriens (décrits au chapitre VI), destinés à replacer chaque liturgie cistercienne dans son contexte culturel et à en établir les sources. <p>Ce travail tend à modifier l’image de la réforme bernardine, censée avoir appauvri la tradition grégorienne par l’application stricte des règles musicales. Elle montre que de nombreuses pièces introduites par les correcteurs sont issues de la tradition clunisienne et parfois spécifiquement de la tradition de l’abbaye de Molesme d’où sont issus les pères fondateurs de Cîteaux. Les reliquats de la liturgie molesmienne notée, reproduits en fac-similé (annexes 2) et inconnus jusqu’ici, ont permis d’établir l’existence d’une chaîne de tradition musicale reliant Molesme aux monastères de sa tradition (Montier-la-Celle et Marmoutier) ;et de faire ressortir les liens qui unissent la tradition des premiers moines blancs à de nombreuses corrections bernardines. L’examen du bréviaire Paris 3241, sorti de l’anonymat en 2007 et exploité ici pour la première fois, a en particulier permis de conclure au transfert de pièces et formulaires entiers de la tradition molesmienne vers le deuxième Cîteaux. <p>Bien plus que la théorie musicale, réputée si importante, mais en réalité modérément appliquée, ce sont la raison pratique, le souci de l’authenticité et de la bonne articulation du texte latin, l’esthétique et la culture mélodique du terroir bourguignon qui ont guidé les choix des réformateurs bernardins. La liturgie messine, adoptée à Cîteaux entre 1108 et 1143, était porteuse de variantes dialectales que les Bernardins ont abandonnées pour se réapproprier leur patrimoine ancestral, marqué par des segments musicaux expressifs et des idiomes caractéristiques du domaine latin. <p>L’interprétation musicale de spécimens du premier et du deuxième Cîteaux, mis en regard, illustre ce basculement culturel de l’ensemble liturgique « est » vers celui de l’« ouest ». La pochette musicale comprend aussi quelques unica et emprunts traditionnels ciblés qui illustrent la richesse de l’esthétique du deuxième Cîteaux.<p> / Doctorat en Langues et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Adam von Fulda, German musician, composer and teacher, completed his important treatise on music in 1490. While representing a conservative, northern tradition in late-medieval music theory, it also shows some evidence of humanist influence. The treatise is divided into four books which discuss the origins and uses of music, the theory of plainchant, mensuration and notation of rhythm, and proportions, respectively. Thus, throughout this informative work, Adam mixes the practical with the speculative. Although his style of explaining technical matters is clear and succinct, he also engages the reader's interest with his polemical and rhetorical digressions. This dissertation presents a detailed commentary upon Book II of the treatise, on musica plana (plainchant), accompanied by a translation from the Latin. The first two chapters of the dissertation are concerned with the biographical information available on Adam von Fulda, as well as with the format and transmission of the treatise. Three chapters of the dissertation serve as the commentary. Chapter III discusses Adam's treatment of the practical aspects of singing plainchant, including his discussions of the Guidonian hand, the gamut, the naming of pitches, hexachords and mutation (material covered in Chapters 1 to 6 of the treatise's second book). Chapter IV of the dissertation considers the subject of musical intervals as covered by Adam, and the ten rules of composition provided in his Chapters 7 to 12. These rules are perhaps the most interesting and unusual part of Book II, as they go beyond the stated subject of plainchant. Written composition, not just improvised counterpoint, is treated in a manner that anticipates later humanist regard for music as an art. Finally, Chapter V examines Adam's treatment of the modes of plainchant (discussed in his Chapters 13 to 17). A conclusion summarizes Adam's impact on later theorists and the importance of the treatise. / Arts, Faculty of / Music, School of / Graduate

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