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The current study investigated the relationships between state shame, guilt, and disease knowledge in women recently diagnosed with cervical intraepithelial neoplasia (CIN) caused by the human papillomavirus (HPV). Recent research has indicated that diagnosis of HPV can elicit negative self-directed affect, including persistent experiences of shame. Studies have also shown that knowledge of HPV is low in the general population, even though it is the most common sexually transmitted infection. It is important to understand how shame affects those with HPV because shame is related to a decline in important immune parameters that may be essential in HPV clearance. A sample of young women (ages 18-28) recently diagnosed with HPV were given measures of shame and guilt-proneness, state shame and guilt, depression, impact of diagnosis, and HPV knowledge. A comparison group of women diagnosed with infectious mononucleosis caused by the Epstein-Barr Virus (EBV) were also given these measures. It was predicted that women diagnosed with HPV would have higher levels of shame and guilt than women diagnosed with EBV. It was also predicted that disease knowledge would moderate negative affect in women with HPV, where increases in HPV knowledge would neutralize feelings of shame and guilt. The results of this study supported the first hypothesis: women with HPV experienced more shame and guilt than women with EBV. Shame largely mediated the relationship between diagnosis of HPV and depression, as well as HPV and distress, but these relationships were not significant for guilt. The hypothesis that disease knowledge would moderate feelings of shame was not supported in this study. Because of the biological and psychological consequences of shameful experiences, research should continue to measure factors that may predict shame after diagnosis of HPV.

According to Cybernetic Control theories, negative emotions result when goal progress is thwarted and these emotions facilitate behavioural regulation (Carver & Scheier, 1998). Self-conscious emotions are recognized for their self-regulatory functions with guilt and shame being especially central to governing unhealthy behavior change (Dijkstra & Buunk, 2008). However limited research has explored the role of self-conscious emotions and exercise. In light of the concern about low physical activity rates among Canadians (Canadian Community Health Measures Survey, 2011) examining the role of guilt and shame in the self-regulation of exercise is warranted. Purpose. To examine the nature of guilt and shame related to recent exercise behavior. Procedures. In this online, observational study, 128 women and 47 men aged 18-64 (mean age 36, SD = 12.74) completed measures of recent physical activity, trait shame and guilt, exercise identity and demographics at baseline. On both a day when they did and did not engage in intended exercise, participants completed measures of recent exercise quantity and quality, exercise-related state shame and guilt, attributions (on the missed exercise day) and exercise intentions. Results. T-tests revealed that participants experienced more guilt and shame after a missed as opposed to an engaged-in intended exercise session, and that of these two emotions guilt was felt more intensely. Regression analyses determined that perceptions of exercise quality were negatively related to both guilt and shame, however these emotions were not related to exercise intentions. Guilt was associated with the attribution dimension of internal locus of casualty and shame with stability, but no relationships were found between the two emotions and exercise identity. Lastly, logistic regressions showed that shame, but not guilt, was associated with exercise behaviour with shame showing a negative relationship with behaviour. Findings add to the extant literature on the role of shame and guilt in exercise self-regulation.

The purpose of the study was to test for theoretic trends of guilt' shame (quadratic) and defensiveness (linear) across treatment for alcoholic patients. The study sample consisted of91 participants. These included adult males who were in either outpatient or inpatient treatment for alcoholism.All participants were administered a questionnaire comprised of guilt, shame, and defensiveness measures. The questionnaires also asked self rating questions as a measure of progress and had a therapist section for progress ratings. Three null hypotheses were tested using trend analysis. Two way analyses of variances were also used to examine progress variables.ResultsIt was hypothesized that guilt and shame would demonstrate quadratic relationships across treatment and that defensiveness would demonstrate a linear relationship. None of the trend 2analyses demonstrated the expected relationships. The post-hoc two-way analyses of differences in guilt, shame, and defensiveness as a function of both weeks-in-treatment and progress measures yielded few significant results.Conclusions The results of this study do not support some of the major premises concerning treatment of the alcoholic patient. Research needs include operationally defining treatment approaches and refining concepts and measures. / Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

The worlds largest exodus of children is considered the transfer of circa 70,000 children from Finland to Sweden from 1939 to 1945. The experience of the Finnish war children contains a distinctive wealth of knowledge which should not be lost. It is important from a social and cultural-anthropological point of view to pass on this collection of experiences without misrepresentation and to interpret the material to the best of my ability. Childhood experiences have a great psychological importance on how an adult his/her life. When a person's social world changes, their psychological world is also threatened. This is what happened to the Finnish war children. To be a foster child, to be a war child, to be a Finnish war foster child entails something very distinctive. Such a child has experienced separation and break-up from the biological family, confrontation with the foster family or orphanage, sometimes difficult experiences from the war itself and a change of language and culture, all of which can be very traumatic. The Finnish war children were "child refugees" and their experiences must be understood on this basis. Finnish war children represent a unique event in our chaotic world. Therefore, one can say that my interpretation has a limited scope. I cannot refer to the broader "immigrant debate." My research is of a special character and my material is unique! In our world there are countless child refugees, children who live in extremely exposed conditions and who have lost their parents. About the Finnish war children's experience it has been said that "it may not happen again". This is a very careless statement - what do we know of the world's future? No, this may not happen again. But it can happen again. The Finnish war children remember experiences which are frightening and fascinating, but which are also important for us to understand and learn from in order to be able to deal with children who are in that most exposed of situations - refugees from war and persecution, but without the protection of a parent. / digitalisering@umu

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2003. / "Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD" Includes bibliography.

Ph.D.--George Washington University, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 90-104).

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Spanish and Portuguese, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 58-63).

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Zürich.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Michigan State University. / Typescript (mimeographed). eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [202]-208).