This thesis is an analysis of the characteristics and the public affairs management policies of the traditional Chinese society during the reign of Emperors Xian-feng and Ton-gzhi in late Qing Dynasty. Using Tang Hao-ming¡¦s three-book trilogy Zeng, Guo-fan as the main reference, this thesis first analyzes the phenomenon, characteristics, and conditions of the traditional society during late Qing Dynasty with the PAM framework, and then follows Zeng, Guao-fan¡¦s career from the time when he first established the Xiang Army in 1852 to his passing in 1872 with V.C.S. analysis. His two-decades long service in public administration and the military, from his being drafted into the army while in mourning to his appointment as the Viceroy of Liangjiang, is divided into 22 stages. A comprehensive V.C.S. analysis of his four administrative periods is also provided. The last part of this paper consists of a PAM-based assessment of Zeng¡¦s administrative strategies, which can serve as valuable reference for promoting cross-strait social development and exchange. A viable strategy is also drawn from this historical period with the hope of resolving cross-strait conflicts and strengthening the ties.

¤h/shi/, ¿Ñ¤h/mou shi/,µ¦¤h(tse shi) ( scholar who provide good idea, plans or strategies to king or power politicians) is a highly influential social class in Pre-Qin dynasty, those people are intelligent, talented, and self-actualization, possess a very strong desire to fulfillment; Accomplish both success and fame is their philosophy, standard and values. It echoes the old saying, ¡§Officialdom is the natural outlet for good scholars¡¨. In the spring and autumn period, there is the special implication that a¤h/shi/ make an official, it is not only for power, fortune, and fame, or social participation and social caring. Be an official is just a method; the concept behind this is the there is the only way to achieve their political ideals by becoming the trusted subordinate of the King and other powerful politicians. During the warring states period of china, the conflict of the domestic, diplomacy, and military affairs are keep happing between each states. Diplomatic power is the important role to deal these complicated situations, however the person¡¦s talent is the key to diplomatic power. Thus, person¡¦s talent and intelligent are attract the special attention. Under this competitive circumstance, Many powerful politician tend to hire ¤h/shi/ to give them advises, provide stage for ¤h/shi/ and facilitate their popularities. Form royal to rural, civil to military, mysterious diplomacy to gruesome battlefield, gangster to hero, ¤h/shi/ can be seen everywhere. They use their talent to pursuit powerful position, those person building accomplish by becoming a counselor or criticizer. ¤h/shi/ enjoy the special glorious treatment in warring states period of china, they even can control country¡¦s policy, influence the King¡¦s decision and dominate the future direction of the country. Those who contribute their intelligent and talent to their Master or King, might have different purposes and motivations. This research focus on the¤h/shi/ who provide their talents for King and other powerful politician, and discuss their philosophy and values. The first chapter explains respectively the motivation, hypothesis and methodology. Those aspects focus on ¡§the meaning of ¤h/shi/¡¨, ¡§The historical background or setting about the rise of¤h/shi/¡¨, ¡§The change and classification of¤h/shi/¡¨ to interpret warring period¤h/shi/¡¦s category and the reason about their rise. The second and third chapter defines the¤h/shi/¡¦s behavior, method of debating, and the result of lobby to analyze their motivation to toward successful and avoid failure. The fourth chapter lists the standout¤h/shi/ who has the strict moral code and disdains to follow such utilitarianism. It also analyze the difference from others to discover the reason they beyond other¤h/shi/. The fifth chapter list the scholar who did the lobby behavior but not belong¿Ñ¤h/mou shi/, and define the difference by comparison above-mentioned two characters. Finally the conclusion summarizes each chapter; hope can express the different viewpoint from different aspects toµ¦¤h(tse shi).

Thesis (M.A.)--Guo li Taiwan da xue. / Reproduction of typescript. On double leaves. Includes bibliographical references (p. 337-356).

Thesis (M.A.) - Guo li Taiwan da xue / Reproduction of typescript. On double leaves. Bibliography: p. 337-356.

Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 466-487). Also available online in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Calgary (Canada), 2002.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 2002. / Chair: Frederic Wakeman, Jr. Includes bibliographical references.

黃文傑. / "2002年8月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (leaves 81-88) / 附中英文提要. / "2002 nian 8 yue" / Huang Wenjie. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 81-88) / Fu Zhong Ying wen ti yao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《爾雅》的編者和成書年代 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《爾雅》的性質 --- p.6 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《爾雅注疏》 --- p.11 / Chapter 第四節 --- 本文硏究的目的和方法 --- p.17 / Chapter 第二章 --- 《爾雅注疏》所見的古籍徵引 --- p.20 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《爾雅注疏》的古籍徵引 --- p.20 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《爾雅注疏》的引《詩》硏究 --- p.28 / Chapter 第三章 --- 《爾雅注疏》的引《詩》與《毛傳》釋《詩》 --- p.36 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢初《詩》傳 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《爾雅》與《毛傳》釋《詩》的異同比較 --- p.41 / Chapter 第四章 --- 《爾雅注疏》引《詩》與齊、魯、韓三家《詩》的關係 --- p.65 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《爾雅》與《魯詩》 --- p.67 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《爾雅》與《齊詩》及《韓詩》 --- p.72 / Chapter 第五章 --- 總結 --- p.78 / 參考書目 --- p.81 / 附錄凡例 --- p.89 / 附錄一：《爾雅注疏》引《詩》資料表 --- p.90 / 附錄二 ：《爾雅注疏》引《詩》與《毛傳》釋（詩》對照表 --- p.216

Modern Chinese Muslims’ increasing connections with the Islamic world conditioned and were conditioned by their elites’ integrationist politics in China. Chinese Muslims (the “Hui”) faced a predicament during the Qing and Ottoman empire-to-nation transitions, seeking both increased contact with Muslims outside China and greater physical and sociopolitical security within the new Chinese nation-state. On the one hand, new communication and transport technologies allowed them unprecedented opportunities for transnational dialogue after centuries of real and perceived isolation. On the other, the Qing’s violent suppression of Muslim uprisings in the late nineteenth century loomed over them, as did the inescapable Han-centrism of Chinese nationalism, the ongoing intercommunal tensions between Muslims and Han, and the general territorial instability of China’s Republican era (1911-49). As a result, Islamic modernism—a set of positions emphasizing both reason and orthodoxy, and arguing that true or original Islam is compatible with science, education, democracy, women’s rights, and other “modern” norms—took on new meanings in the context of Chinese nation-making. In an emerging dynamic, ethos, and discourse of “transnationalist integrationism,” leading Chinese Muslims transformed Islamic modernism, a supposedly foreign body of thought meant to promote unity and renewal, into a reservoir of concepts and arguments to explain and justify the place of Islam and Muslims in China, and in so doing made it an integral component of Chinese state- and nation-building. “Islamic Modernism in China” argues that Chinese Muslims’ transregional engagement with Islamic modernism did not subvert but enabled the Chinese government’s domestic and foreign policies toward Muslims, and ultimately facilitated the nationalization of Muslim identity in modern China. From Qing collapse through the Second World War, urban coastal Chinese Muslim religious and political elites imported, read, debated, disseminated, and translated classic Islamic texts and modern Muslim print media, while establishing their own modernist schools and publications. Yet those same figures, through those same practices and institutions, increasingly wielded an image of Islamic authority and authenticity in support of the nationalist Guomindang government’s efforts to develop, integrate, and Sinicize China’s frontiers, including the predominantly Sufi Muslim communities of the Northwest. In the 1930s and early 1940s, integrationist Chinese Muslim elites further mobilized modernist narratives of Islam’s rationality, peacefulness, and past and present “contributions” to China. For example, they responded to Islamophobic misperceptions about halal by arguing that Islamic medicine was an important part of Chinese medicine. They also dispatched nationalistic goodwill delegations to the Middle East, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and China’s own frontiers during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-45), to pursue cultural cooperation and spread anti-Japanese propaganda. At the same time, in contrast to this instrumentalized Islam, certain Chinese Muslim scholars studying in Cairo instead articulated an expansive, democratized version of the Islamic concept of independent human reason (ijtihad) as the basis for a more inclusive vision of both Chinese nationalism and the global Islamic community (umma). The opportunity to pursue this or any other alternative to mere integrationism soon evaporated, however, as the renewed Chinese Civil War (1945-49) split the Chinese Muslim elites across the Mainland, Taiwan, and a variety of Muslim and non-Muslim countries. Thereafter, the Chinese Muslim elites largely became marginalized from high politics in the era of Cold-War and decolonization. Many of their once-contingent narratives of history and identity, however, have nevertheless been normalized as the canonical truth of Chinese Islam to this day, quietly informing China’s minority policies, foreign relations, and rhetoric of the “New Silk Road.” “Islamic Modernism in China” is a history of the subsumption of modern forms of mobility by modern structures of power. It narrates an assertion of difference in the context of multiple, partially overlapping integrations: the integration of a Han-centric idea of the Chinese nation-state, of an Arabo-centric idea of the Islamic world, and of a Eurocentric system of global infrastructures, institutions, networks, and knowledge. It de-parochializes the modern history of Chinese Muslims, showing how they epitomized aspirations and challenges common to Muslim minorities across many large non-Muslim societies and, to an extent, to modern Muslims everywhere. Using a wide range of new or under-studied archival and published sources in Chinese and Arabic, it connects questions of the meaning and scope of Islam, Islamic community, and Islamic modernism (scholarship on which tends to prioritize the Arab Middle East and relations with the West) to questions of religion and state in modern China (scholarship on which tends to prioritize popular spirituality and the official Confucian system, as well as relations with the West). As such, it presents Sino-Islamic transregional interactions beyond the lens of Western influence, yet also uncovers new trajectories by which Western concepts (“religion,” the “nation-state,” the “Islamic world”) became universalized. Overall, it moves beyond a circulation-based understanding of global encounters, and instead maps the contingent ways in which forms of mobility became pressed into the service of hegemonic processes of state- and nation-building: how flows of people and ideas created borders rather than simply crossing them.

陳孝龍. / Thesis submitted in: December 2009. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 53-57). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Chen Xiaolong. / 摘要 --- p.i / 目錄 --- p.iii / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 槪念分析-性、分、性分 --- p.2 / Chapter (一） --- 性 --- p.2 / Chapter (二） --- 分 --- p.8 / Chapter (三） --- 性分 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、 --- 性分的理論意含 --- p.19 / Chapter (一） --- 自生、自然、獨化 --- p.19 / Chapter (二） --- 適性逍遙 --- p.29 / Chapter (三） --- 率性無爲 --- p.34 / Chapter 三、 --- 性分與變化 --- p.37 / Chapter (一） --- 性分可否被改變？ --- p.37 / Chapter (二） --- 性分是否會變化？ --- p.43 / Chapter (三） --- 性分不變論與事物變化是否矛盾？ --- p.49 / 結論 --- p.52 / 參考資料 --- p.53