It is generally agreed that during the apartheid era secondary school History education was perceived as either an indispensible aid toward furthering the National Party’s social and political programme of separate development by some sections of the South African community or as an insidious form of indoctrination by other sections of the community. One of the contentions of this thesis is that this form of apology or indoctrination was less successful than is generally believed. The white English and Afrikaans-speaking sections of the community, although practising very different cultures shared many perceptions, including the perception that secondary school History education was less important than was the study of other subjects. The result was that at least since the 1960s, History was a subject in decline at most South African white secondary schools. History education enjoyed a mixed reception on the part of black secondary school educators during the apartheid era although the majority of black secondary school educators and learners, particularly after the 1976 Soweto Uprising, rejected the subject as a gross misrepresentation of historical record. The demise of History as a secondary school subject during the post-apartheid era is well documented. The case is made that this is due to factors such as poor teaching and the tendency by school administrations to marginalise the subject. My own 2008 and 2012 research indicates that while many South African adults display a negative attitude toward secondary school History education, secondary school learners have a far more positive outlook. The finding of this thesis is that the future for History education in South Africa is not as bleak as many imagine it appears to be. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

It is generally agreed that during the apartheid era secondary school History education was perceived as either an indispensible aid toward furthering the National Party’s social and political programme of separate development by some sections of the South African community or as an insidious form of indoctrination by other sections of the community. One of the contentions of this thesis is that this form of apology or indoctrination was less successful than is generally believed. The white English and Afrikaans-speaking sections of the community, although practising very different cultures shared many perceptions, including the perception that secondary school History education was less important than was the study of other subjects. The result was that at least since the 1960s, History was a subject in decline at most South African white secondary schools. History education enjoyed a mixed reception on the part of black secondary school educators during the apartheid era although the majority of black secondary school educators and learners, particularly after the 1976 Soweto Uprising, rejected the subject as a gross misrepresentation of historical record. The demise of History as a secondary school subject during the post-apartheid era is well documented. The case is made that this is due to factors such as poor teaching and the tendency by school administrations to marginalise the subject. My own 2008 and 2012 research indicates that while many South African adults display a negative attitude toward secondary school History education, secondary school learners have a far more positive outlook. The finding of this thesis is that the future for History education in South Africa is not as bleak as many imagine it appears to be. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

No description available.

A escrita epistolar de Caio Prado Júnior foi compreendida como via pedagógica de convicções políticas utilizadas em sua atuação político-educativa. Meio de luta cultural de esquerda através do qual foi estabelecendo relações e cooptando sujeitos para aprendizado de conceitos, métodos do marxismo e como via válida de conhecimento em geral. A pesquisa é constituída de uma seleção bibliográfica teórica, na qual se levou em consideração a importância da história cultural, Roger Chartier, tratamento de leitura de objetos e documentos, Carlo Ginzburg, concepção de intelectual-educador, Antonio Gramsci e outras referências que trabalham com historiografia e seus materiais, como, entre outros, Hélène Véndrine. O trabalho trata da história pessoal do historiador paulista em sua relação com a história do marxismo no Brasil e no exterior e com o campo do conhecimento nos quais se buscou uma análise dos elementos, autor, material produzido, trajetória na política e na educação na sua relação com campo intelectual marxista ou não. Daquela análise e analogia sua correspondência foi visada como elemento principal de sua luta cultural e para defender uma atuação independente no campo de conhecimento. / The epistolary writing by Caio Prado Júnior was understood as a pedagogical path for political convictions, used in his political and educational practice. It is a means of leftist cultural struggle through which he establishes relationships and co-opts individuals for learning Marxist concepts and methodologies as a valid means for knowledge in general. The research is constituted by a theoretical bibliographical selection, in which the following elements were considered: the importance of cultural history, Roger Chartier, the treatment of the reading of objects and documents, Carlo Ginzburg, the concept of intellectual-educator, Antonio Gramsci and other authors who work with historiography and its materials, such as Hélène Véndrine. The present work deals with the personal history of the historian, born in São Paulo, in its relation with Marxism both in Brazil and overseas, as well as with the field of knowledge in which there as an attempt to make an analysis of the elements, author, material produced, his journey in politics and in education in its relation with Marxist intellectual field or not. From that analysis and analogy his letters were viewed as a fundamental element of his cultural struggle and to defend an independent action in the field of knowledge.

É possível aprender História com sentido para a Vida? Esta pesquisa, cujo objetivo é compreender em que medida o pensamento histórico de estudantes brasileiros e portugueses apresenta aspectos de uma consciência histórica pertinente para a reflexão acerca das demandas da cultura histórica contemporânea, pautou-se por essa indagação. Em outras palavras, procurou verificar como o ensino de História, nas escolas públicas de Brasil e Portugal, tem contribuído para o desenvolvimento de uma consciência histórica que possibilite a satisfação das carências de orientação temporal e constituição de identidade na sociedade atual. Para a consecução dessa meta coletou informações com o intuito de conhecer os diferentes perfis de caráter socioeconômico e cultural dos grupos pesquisados, além de narrativas discentes geradas pela interpretação de um fato histórico comum a Brasil e Portugal - a transferência da família real portuguesa (1808). Tal material empírico foi analisado com critérios quantitativos e qualitativos, balizados pela interpretação do repertório teóricoepistemológico composto por experiências de autores de diferentes áreas do conhecimento histórico como a Filosofia da História, a Didática da História e a Educação Histórica. Este percurso possibilitou a construção de uma tipologia de análise narrativa que permite verificar as tendências de constituição do sentido histórico à orientação temporal subsumidas a grupos pesquisados. Em outras palavras, o exercício meta-histórico realizado ao longo da pesquisa permitiu a elaboração de uma tipologia que indica qual ou quais tipos de consciência histórica são predominantes nos discursos de um grupo. Finalmente, discutir com os estudantes como os conceitos estruturadores do pensamento histórico atuam para construir conhecimento, mediado pela consciência histórica subsumida à argumentação, se constitui como a proposição desta pesquisa. Potencializar as ideias históricas através de princípios metodológicos que invistam no desenvolvimento da argumentação é função intransferível do ensino de História e, por isso, conceitos metahistóricos podem ser trabalhados nas aulas do ensino básico, paulatina e progressivamente, como meios pelos quais se articula o pensamento histórico. Dessa forma, a História mostrará como é área do conhecimento fundamental para a geração de reflexão e autorreflexão acerca das experiências humanas. Aprender História com sentido para a Vida. / This research aims at understanding how far the historical thinking of Brazilian and Portuguese students present aspects of a historical consciousness relevant to discuss about Contemporary Historical Culture, in order to answer the question: is it possible to learn History with sense to life?. In other words, the aim of this work is to verify how the History teaching in the public schools in Brazil and Portugal has contributed to the development of a historical consciousness that enables the satisfaction to fulfill the lack of time orientation and identity formation in contemporary society. In order to achieve this goal, data was collected in order to know the different profiles of socioeconomic and cultural of the groups searched, beyond the students narrative about their interpretation of a common historical fact to Brazil and Portugal - the transfer of the Portuguese royal family (1808). This empirical material was analyzed with quantitative and qualitative criteria, guided by the studies on a theoretical epistemology of author experiences from different areas of historical knowledge as the Philosophy of History, the Didactic of History and the History Education. This way of study has enabled the construction of an analysis narrative typology which allows verifying the trends of historical sense formation to time orientation subsumed to groups searched. In other words, the metahistorical exercise done throughout the research allowed the development of a typology that indicates how or what types of historical consciousness are predominant in a group discourse. Finally, discuss with students how the concepts of historical thinking work to build knowledge, mediated by the historical consciousness subsumed to the argument, it is the aim of this research. Improve the historical ideas through methodological principles that invest in developing the argument is indelible function of teaching history and therefore, metahistorical concepts can be worked in class , gradually and progressively, as the means by which articulates historical thought. Thus, history will show how the area of fundamental knowledge is to generate reflection and self reflection about the human experience. Learn History with sense to Life.

A escrita epistolar de Caio Prado Júnior foi compreendida como via pedagógica de convicções políticas utilizadas em sua atuação político-educativa. Meio de luta cultural de esquerda através do qual foi estabelecendo relações e cooptando sujeitos para aprendizado de conceitos, métodos do marxismo e como via válida de conhecimento em geral. A pesquisa é constituída de uma seleção bibliográfica teórica, na qual se levou em consideração a importância da história cultural, Roger Chartier, tratamento de leitura de objetos e documentos, Carlo Ginzburg, concepção de intelectual-educador, Antonio Gramsci e outras referências que trabalham com historiografia e seus materiais, como, entre outros, Hélène Véndrine. O trabalho trata da história pessoal do historiador paulista em sua relação com a história do marxismo no Brasil e no exterior e com o campo do conhecimento nos quais se buscou uma análise dos elementos, autor, material produzido, trajetória na política e na educação na sua relação com campo intelectual marxista ou não. Daquela análise e analogia sua correspondência foi visada como elemento principal de sua luta cultural e para defender uma atuação independente no campo de conhecimento. / The epistolary writing by Caio Prado Júnior was understood as a pedagogical path for political convictions, used in his political and educational practice. It is a means of leftist cultural struggle through which he establishes relationships and co-opts individuals for learning Marxist concepts and methodologies as a valid means for knowledge in general. The research is constituted by a theoretical bibliographical selection, in which the following elements were considered: the importance of cultural history, Roger Chartier, the treatment of the reading of objects and documents, Carlo Ginzburg, the concept of intellectual-educator, Antonio Gramsci and other authors who work with historiography and its materials, such as Hélène Véndrine. The present work deals with the personal history of the historian, born in São Paulo, in its relation with Marxism both in Brazil and overseas, as well as with the field of knowledge in which there as an attempt to make an analysis of the elements, author, material produced, his journey in politics and in education in its relation with Marxist intellectual field or not. From that analysis and analogy his letters were viewed as a fundamental element of his cultural struggle and to defend an independent action in the field of knowledge.

This thesis examines the politics of history education, collective memory and identity in contemporary Taiwan through a qualitative case study of the high-school history curriculum reform and controversy from 2002 to 2012. Through eight elite interviews, the evaluation of an extensive amount of primary sources, and the quantitative and qualitative analysis of the relevant history curricula and other official documents, I find that the most visible part of the controversy is a conflict between advocates of a “China-centered historical perspective” and the representatives of a “Taiwan-centered historical perspective”, who both try to reclaim the territory of national history to have their collective memory represented in it. Furthermore, my analysis of the relevant history curricula indicates that all of them are representative of the collective memory of more than one group. This demonstrates that the influence political parties can exert on history education is constrained by competing versions of collective memory. The thesis also shows how the strong tendency towards Taiwan-centered view on history within society has been translated into the history curriculum after the DPP created conducive conditions for meaningful change. Subsequently, the KMT tried to exert influence on the revision process, but continuous attention from the public prevented major changes. In the final analysis, it is very difficult for any political party or powerful group within contemporary Taiwan to impose one exclusive version of the past as national master narrative on the whole society. Competing collective memories of sub-national groups continue to co-exist within civil society, which demands for a more pluralist history curriculum that incorporates smaller “memory communities” in the national narrative to forestall social disunity and further controversy.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2000. / Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 20, 2003). "December 2000." Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in paper format.

No description available.

The purpose of this comparative and historical study is to consider a reconceptualization of the notion of educational policy transfer, based on an analysis of how the reforms made during the Soviet and US military occupation in the two Koreas influenced the educational development of North and South Korea from 1945 to 1959. The conceptual framework for the research drew on a definition of 'policy' as a comprehensive concept comprising of policy process and practice 'on the ground,' and going beyond a rigid definition of it as a formally recorded and proclaimed statement by a government. This concept of policy enabled me to analyze the process and practice of the educational reforms from a multi-dimensional perspective, incorporating the beliefs of local actors and the bureaucracy of domestic institutions. For this purpose, historical sources including South Korean, North Korean and US government documents, magazines, newpapers, teachers' resumés and guides and the memoires and diaries of important policy-makers were analyzed; historical documentation was complemented by expert interviews with eleven South and North Korean policy-makers and academics. In South Korea, educational reforms were implemented to promote liberal democratic ideals in the education system. Curricular and systemic changes were made to teach democratic procedures and concepts, such as the introduction of the subject social studies, the establishment of a single-track school system, and the introduction of a student-centered pedagogy to primary schools. In North Korea, a socialist-communist ideology, along with an attraction to the Soviet Union as a model state to follow, was extensively promoted through a series of educational reforms as political indoctrination intensified in the adult education and school curricula. In both contexts, the localization of the reforms was affected by cultural and social factors unique to Korea: the authoritarian legacy of Confucianism and Japanese colonization, and the nationalism that had been fostered for the purpose of state-formation. The Korean case indicates that the state-centric, linear and static view of educational policy transfer should be replaced by a new conceptualization which includes the complex web of decision-making and implementation processes that involve negotiations and compromises among various politicians and administrators who are driven by national as well as personal interests and goals. For example, although the educational reforms in the two Koreas were developed by Soviet and US military in order to maximize their long-term security interests in the Korean peninsula, the key actors who implemented the reforms were Korean policy-makers, who had been appointed to key positions of the educational administrations through the bureaucratic politics between the military authorities and the Korean polity. Although the overall objective of the educational reforms was to extend the ideological influences of the Soviet Union and the USA in the Korean peninsula, specific programs and policies for the reforms depended on the Korean policy-makers' understanding and interpretations of different ideologies.