Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T09:53:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Peres_AndreaCarolinaSchvartz_D.pdf: 10660559 bytes, checksum: 71a38dbde9e434ec7f46703f12dcfb11 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: A partir de pesquisa de campo em Sarajevo sobre fixers e outros que trabalharam para os jornalistas estrangeiros durante a guerra na Bósnia-Herzegóvina, pretendo pensar o lugar desses sujeitos na constituição de uma fala sobre o conflito. Paralelamente, penso a guerra enquanto um contexto de elaboração de discursos e identidades, que se revelaria de modo especial por meio destes sujeitos que procuro analisar. Os fixers são os intérpretes, os guias que tornaram possível o fazer jornalístico durante a guerra - em um lugar estrangeiro e de língua estrangeira para os grandes veículos internacionais de imprensa, predominantemente norte-americanos e europeus, que realizaram a cobertura do conflito e a transmitiram para todo o globo. Penso os fixers, portanto, como reveladores dos processos elencados acima e, também, como emblemáticos para se pensar o próprio fazer antropológico e o lugar do intermediário, sempre presente no campo, mas, na maioria das vezes, ausente nas etnografias. Esse trabalho é sobre eles, e como contam e entendem a sua história e a construção do estado na Bósnia / Abstract: Considering the field research in Sarajevo about fixers and those people ho worked for foreign journalists during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I analyze their role in the making of the history about the conflict. Besides that, I consider the war as a context of elaboration of discourses and identities that can be noticed through the subjects I analyze. Fixers are the translators, the guides who made the work of journalists during the war possible - in a foreign country, a strange language - for the great Media Corporations, mainly American and European, who covered the conflict and broadcasted it worldwide. I think that the research about fixers shed light on the processes quoted before, and eventually, on the anthropological work itself, concerning the role of the "intermediary", always present on the field, but mostly absent in the ethnographies. Hence, this thesis is about those people and about how they are telling history and thinking the building of the State / Doutorado / Antropologia Social / Doutor em Antropologia Social

In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), a paradigmatic example of a transitional post-conflict society governed by an externally-driven process of neo-liberal state-building, police reforms have played an important role in supporting the transposition of a particular variant of liberal order through security governance at the national and sub-national levels. This order is primarily constructed to reflect the interests of BiH’s supranational architect and benefactor since 2003: the European Union. It is less responsive to the interests or the needs of BiH citizens or constitutionally established governing institutions (Chandler 1999). Historically, prescriptions for police reform in BiH have been defined by various representatives of the international community in BiH rather than domestic policy makers or practitioners. They have also been glocally-responsive in their design. In other words, they have been introduced to generate policy alignment and to support the harmonisation of local policing mentalities and practices with the EU’s security interests in the Western Balkans as well as dominant ‘European’ approaches to controlling crime (Juncos 2011; Ryan 2011). In practice, however, it is evident that the outputs and outcomes generated by police reforms in BiH regularly deviate from their initial design. This is particularly evident in relation to a handful of community policing initiatives introduced in BiH over the past decade (e.g. Deljkic and Lučić‐Ćatić 2011). Using a meso-level analysis of two community-oriented policing projects implemented in 2011, this research draws on the conceptual framework of ‘policy translation’ (Lendvai and Stubbs 2006) to illuminate the agentive capacities of international development workers and local police practitioners and their role in shaping the conceptual and programmatic contours of glocally-responsive policing reforms in BiH. My first case study examines the translational capacity of international development workers at a major multi-lateral international development agency in BiH using an ethnographic account of my three-month placement with the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) ‘Safer Communities’ project in BiH in 2011. My second case study is used to illustrate the translational capacities of police practitioners working to implement an externally-initiated community policing project in Sarajevo Canton. Drawing from these case studies, I determine that the international political economy of global liberal governance and the interests of powerful global actors play only a limited role in affecting outputs and outcomes generated by internationally-driven police reforms. Rather, I argue that the concept of policy translation demonstrates that relatively disempowered actors like international development workers and local police practitioners can draw upon their agency and institutional resources to shape these policy making processes and in doing so, potentially contribute to more democratically responsive policing outputs and structures. My findings further suggest that important opportunities do exist for motivated reformers to foster deliberative forms of security governance in weak and structurally dependent societies like BiH and recognising and enhancing these can help to alleviate the potential consequences of introducing contextually or culturally inappropriate Western policing models to these societies. This is significant because it highlights the prospect of addressing the structural inequalities associated with global and transnational policing (Bowling and Sheptycki 2012), police reforms pursued in the context of liberal state-building projects (Ryan 2011) and donor-driven international police development assistance projects (Ellison and Pino 2012).

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Text in English / This study examines the successes and limitations of the Competency Passport (CP) for the empowerment of unemployed citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The CP was designed to identify formally, informally and non-formally acquired competencies of people with the help of a counsellor. In the process, the CP uses the asset-based approach which focuses on the strengths of people. The investigation was conducted on the basis of qualitative interviews and a focus group discussion. The results have shown that the CP was able to identify competencies and, thereby, has helped to increase the self-confidence of people. In the area of employment, the impact of the CP showed some limitations as it was not yet sufficiently recognized by the society of BiH. Employers have given little feedback on the CP. The public sector, especially, needs a paradigm shift in the recognition of informally and non-formally acquired competencies by the CP. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

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Rationale: Due to the uniqueness of the conflict and post-conflict experience in Bosnia and Herzegovina and limited primary source research, it is unclear to what extent persons with physical disability participate in rehabilitation and other community services. It is uncertain whether persons with physical disability have access to available community programs and services and what role policy, environmental and attitudinal barriers play in community integration and social participation. Objective: The purpose of this study was to understand and describe factors that influence community integration and social participation of persons with a physical disability in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina. Methods: A concurrent embedded mixed methods design was used. Three face to face interviews were conducted and thirteen participants completed written questionnaires adapted from The “KIPA” Clear Direction Strategic Framework: Knowledge-Inclusion-Participation-Access (Edmonds, 2003). Participants had physical disabilities and were recruited through Mojmilo Health Clinic, Centar Za Fizikalnu Theraiji I Rehabilitaciju Community Based Rehabilitation centre and the Clinical Centre University Hospital in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Results: The study identified challenges and barriers encountered when accessing rehabilitation, primary health care, education and other community services and programs. The data suggested that persons with a physical disability perceived that factors associated with knowledge, inclusion, participation, and access are very important to their quality of life. Government policy reform and assistance, employment opportunities, attitudes and awareness, and community understanding emerged as critical factors of acceptance and integration. Conclusions: The study revealed that a complex array of factors influenced the integration of persons living with a physical disability in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina. Persons with disability indicated the need for individuals and disability groups to collectively advocate for all PWDs in order to voice their goals for integration and social participation. Knowledge, inclusion, participation, and access to health care, education, livelihood, attitude, social participation and advocacy emerged as intrinsic to the successful community integration of persons living with a physical disability. / Thesis (Master, Rehabilitation Science) -- Queen's University, 2011-04-24 13:30:35.306

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The Dayton Peace Agreement was signed in 1995, which effectively ended the war in Bosnian and established a decentralized state. This divisive nature of this framework encourages the political elite and decision makers to place a greater importance upon preserving political power, rather than making meaningful institutional changes. They consistently instrumentalize interthnic fears as a means to gain popular support at the expense of the country's development. The inability to cooperate has led to political stalemate and contributed to low level of progress in many sectors. Nonetheless, the possibility of accession to NATO remains open if the criteria for membership are satisfied. The international community bears the responsibility of integrating Bosnia and Herzegovina because of its strategic importance and the potential threats that can develop if political tensions escalate into an armed conflict. The recent accession of Montenegro and North Macedonia to NATO proves the doors remains open for aspiring countries that show the political will to deepen their relationship with the Alliance. Bosnia has made remarkable transformations in its security and defense sector, though it must resolve the current issues that impeded its Euro-Atlantic aspirations.

Proposed Topic: "Assessment of Multinational Federalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina" Registered in SIS: Yes Date of registration: 21.10.2011 Topic Characteristics: This research proposal will basically refer to functionality of federal values that lead to a federal political culture in the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 by focusing on the federal model that has been applied with Constitution, as a part of the said agreement. Hence, it will show to what extent the conflict that had led to the Bosnian War of 1992-1995 was resolved by implementing a federal model and constitution in 1995 and if so, what is the role of federalism in it. I have chosen the way of assessing multinational federalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina to evaluate federal system in post-war period in order to have a better perspective to observe the ability of federal state to enhance Bosnia as a unity. Today Bosnian Serbs, Bosnian Croats and Bosniaks constitute the main national identities, in Republika Srpska and in Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, two constituent entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina .Republika Srpska, as it could be understood from the name- Serb Republic, is led by an administration representing a Serbian majority whereas Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), known...