This thesis examines the unstable nature and dynamic impact of contemporary nationalism on the arduous process of reconstituting a modern multinational state. The basic research question concerns the relationship between nationalism and multinational democracy, or more specifically how nationalist forces may facilitate or impede the intricate process of political transition, democratic transformation and stabilization of the newly formed Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. The findings indicate that nationalism and exclusive ethno-nationalist politics create serious inter-group security challenges and significantly hinder the process democratization, state-building and political transformation. The main obstacle to a coherent political system is based on the fact that nationalism causes an unconstrained reconfiguration of political space. This is apparent in BiH where exclusive nationalist politics continue to dominate the domestic and inter-national political agenda, thus limiting the capacity for political reforms, security and stability. As nationalism is a grave security threat to multinational states, there is a pressing need to manage nationalism with confidence building mechanisms that strengthen the state’s capacity to ensure enduring security and stability.

This thesis examines the unstable nature and dynamic impact of contemporary nationalism on the arduous process of reconstituting a modern multinational state. The basic research question concerns the relationship between nationalism and multinational democracy, or more specifically how nationalist forces may facilitate or impede the intricate process of political transition, democratic transformation and stabilization of the newly formed Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. The findings indicate that nationalism and exclusive ethno-nationalist politics create serious inter-group security challenges and significantly hinder the process democratization, state-building and political transformation. The main obstacle to a coherent political system is based on the fact that nationalism causes an unconstrained reconfiguration of political space. This is apparent in BiH where exclusive nationalist politics continue to dominate the domestic and inter-national political agenda, thus limiting the capacity for political reforms, security and stability. As nationalism is a grave security threat to multinational states, there is a pressing need to manage nationalism with confidence building mechanisms that strengthen the state’s capacity to ensure enduring security and stability.

Context: Electronic Government (sometimes referred to as digital government, online government) is the use of information and communication technologies to: a) enable optimization and innovation of all government internal processes in the back-office and external processes by providing government services to customers through Internet and other electronic means; and b) facilitate achieving goals of all government policies and strategies. Objectives: In this study we are explaining e-Government practices, perceptions and performances of state institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and analyzing obstacles and challenges of current approach to e-Government management, in order to propose immediate and middle-term e-Government actions for BiH state institutions to start delivering integrated and useful e-Government services. Methods: In this, three sources of information are used: a) comprehensive survey of state employees, b) interviews with some of the e-Government practitioners and c) systematic review of a number of relevant article sources. All questions/reviews have been done in order to find out what measures could be taken and what guidelines should be followed by the BiH state institutions so they become more IT savvy in taking advantage of e-Government implementations. Results: Measures for improvements have been proposed in several distinct areas: building human capacities for e-Government development, changing management and leadership practices, building regulatory and organizational framework for e-Government and resolving interpersonal issues in e-Government systems design. Additionally, a Phase plan for e-Government project implementation is proposed to those having a vision and idea on some e-Government project, but maybe lacking the skills and knowledge on how to actually initiate, design and implement it. Conclusions: We conclude that BiH state government should realize that e-Government is not just about implementing some IT projects; it is an overall public administration reform process which has to be adequately supported by regulative and organizational measures. This thesis provided arguments for such strategic e-Government decision-making and necessity for government-wide management and development capacity. We conclude that there is a need for BiH state government to understand the current situation and arguments presented, and take steps in building its capacities in this field.

The presence of state capture and political disadvantages incite the emergence of social movements, which hope to induce a removal of political disadvantages. In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) protests and social movements have been initiated for several reasons, often to lay attention on the government's dysfunction. Nationalism has been shown to potentially be destructive in those ways it is used to silence the opposition and this essay has identified how nationalism has been a tool for politicians to repress social movements in BiH. By using the paper's theoretical framework, a discursive analysis of politicians’ repressive statements towards three different types of social movements has been done. The three types of social movements included in the analysis are the LGBT movement in BiH, the student movements in Jajce and Travnik and the ‘Justice for David’ movement in Banja Luka. The results have shown that repression mostly occurs through emphasizing the threat of the movement in different ways as well as invoking nationalism. Nationalism is also frequently present through the classification of a “we” and “them”. Future research would benefit from explaining why specific aspects of nationalistic discourse are more common than others in politicians' repressive statements.

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The issue with achieving a balance between a stable democratization process and peacebuilding is an ongoing difficulty. Scholars argue that the long-term effects are not properly considered when constructing a peace accord and is affecting the process of nation-rebuilding. The integrationalist and consociationalist perspectives, two major strands within this field, disagree on the point of incorporating ethnicities in the political arena, in which both parties argue that the outcome is negative for a state's developmental process.  An analysis of state reports conducted by the U.S. Department of State and the cases´ peace accords, will be conducted using Freedom Houses indicators for political rights. This is to observe if there is a difference in efficiency between the two perspectives and to what degree it can be mirrored in the level of political rights in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. The Most Similar System Design is used to isolate the similar variables that the two case countries share in order to compare a possible difference in the level of political rights. The results show that there is a difference seen from the start to the end point for both cases, as well as a difference in the level of political rights between the two. This lines up with the findings of present scholars on this topic thus amplifying the need for more research to be conducted.

Nationalist discourse has played an important role in the breakup of Yugoslavia, with particularly extensive influence on the future of the republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The tensions raised by ethno-nationalist rhetoric would lead to a 1992-1995 War that effectively segregated the population of Bosnia into three ethnic camps and destroyed the country's trademark multiculturalism. Bosnia emerged from the war as a weak union of two ethno-territories; the Bosniak-Croat Federation (FBiH) and the Serb-dominated Republic of Srpska (RS). During the first post-war decade, it made considerable progress towards reconciliation and Euro-Atlantic integrations. However, in May of 2006 the Prime Minister of RS Milorad Dodik made first of a series of comments that advocated the right of RS to hold independence referendum, signalizing a major return of inflammatory and divisive ethno-nationalist rhetoric. What we can call "RS Referendum Discourse" is not exactly a new object or desire, but its articulation and expression from 2006 onwards deserves careful consideration on its own merits. This thesis seeks to document the emergence and performative structure of the RS Referendum Discourse through a textual analysis of how it was registered and recorded in two Bosnian daily newspapers. The research is an empirical study of nationalism as expressed in discourse on the future of the Bosnian state. / Master of Arts

yes / The transformation dynamics of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosovo rubs salt into the war wounds of economically vulnerable sectors of society in a context of fragile political and security situations, complex or ambiguous constitutional status and an imprecise and contested balance of power between international direction and local ownership. The protectors have been imposing a model of economic transformation, ultimately derived from the neoliberal economic ideology of aggressive capitalism and the 1989 Washington consensus on developmentalism. The inhabitants of war-torn societies have often clung to clientism, shadow economic activities and resistance to centrally-audited exchange. This paper contends that what is sometimes portrayed as a clash between neoliberal modernity and a pre-modern `Balkan way¿ is questionable in its dyadic assumptions and its underestimation of linkages between the spheres of neoliberalism and nationalist¿mafia¿clientism.

In the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina, one of the critical elements of the ethnic cleansing regimes was rape and impregnation of women. When the international justice system was created to criminally try the perpetrators of the atrocities, including the rape victims was a new development. Looking at the tribunals and court system from a gendered perspective reveals that the efforts to include rape victims have not taken into account their specific needs, stemming from their trauma. A critical look the ICTY and other criminal courts are presented, as well as recommendations for improving inclusivity and reconciliation.

<p>Uvodno poglavlje je svojevrstan prolog u kojem se ukazuje na istorijske okolnosti pod kojim se istraživano područje formiralo kao istorijsko-geografska oblast, na mnoge administrativne, odnosno teritorijalne promene, na izolovanost, ali i na česta ratna pusto&scaron;enja koja su imala znatan uticaj na socijalnu i etničku strukturu stanovni&scaron;tva koje je u skladu sa svojim dinarskim poreklom do danas zadržalo svoj identitet, kako na planu materijalne, tako i na planu duhovne kulture Načelno je predstavljena tematika ovog rada, uz obrazloženja o opravdanosti odabira teme.<br />Studija je zasnovana na terenskim istraživanjima obavljenim u 44 naselja ove oblasti. Uz to, u radu je kori&scaron;ćena i građa akademika Vlade Milo&scaron;evića koja potiče iz desetak naselja. Transkribovane su 194 pesme, kako dvoglasne, starijeg i novijeg sloja, tako i one jednoglasne (uspavanke, tužbalice, svatovske, putničke i dr.).<br />Ovde se detaljno govori o najznačajnijim karakteristikama tradicionalnog narodnog pevanja severozapadne Bosne, uno&scaron;enjem svojevrsnog reda u ono &scaron;to se do sada znalo o ovom pevanju, najvi&scaron;e iz tekstova akademika Vlade Milo&scaron;evića, ali i iz istraživanja nekolicine istraživača koji su se ovim pevanjem bavili u novije vreme. Ova studija iznosi i niz novih podataka do kojih se do&scaron;lo na osnovu vlastitog istraživanja autora.<br />Posebna pažnja posvećena je i &quot;ojkači&quot; kao tradicionalnoj pesmi Bosanske Krajine, gde se ističe da je u pitanju naziv koji po svom obliku podseća na tradicionalni (&quot;ojkanje&quot;), ali i na to da je on u osnovi nov, srodan onom &quot;izvorno pevanje (pesma)&quot; koje<br />postoji i u Srbiji. To se potkrepljuje činjenicom da etnomuzikolog Vlado Milo&scaron;ević ojkaču ne pominje ni jedan jedini put, kao i kazivanjima pevača koji se sećaju vremena kada ovaj termin nije postojao u njihovoj praksi.<br />Kao značajnim, u ovoj studiji se govori o karakteristikama stiha, karakteristikama tempa, tonskim karakteristikama, kao i sazvučnim karakteristikama (sa oblicima dvoglasa, heterofonijom i heterofonijom-bordunom kad su u pitanju stariji oblici dvoglasa, te homofonijom, kod novijih dvoglasnih oblika pevanja).</p> / <p>Preface is the sort of prologue in which it was referred to historical circumstances on which the field of research was formed as the historical and geographical domain, upon many administrative and territorial changes, isolation, and the frequent wartime devastation which had important influence on the social and ethnic structure of the population, who had held its identity up to date in accordance with the origin from Dinara Mountain, in the field of material and spiritual culture.<br />The theme of this work is shown in principle with the explanation of validity of choosing the topic.<br />The study is based on the field researches that are made in the 44 settlements of the mentioned area. Besides, academician Vlado Milosevic&rsquo;s inheritance which originates from ten of the settlements had been used in this work. In the study 194 songs had been transcribed, two voices songs both past and present layer, and single voice songs (lullabies, laments, wedding, travel etc.)<br />The most important characteristics of traditional folk singing in northwest Bosnia here are explained in details, introducing a kind of order in what was so far known about this type of singing, mostly from academician Vlado Milosevic&rsquo;s texts and from the professional work of few researchers who were recently dealt with this type of singing.<br />Special attention is paid on the traditional song from Bosanska Krajina called &ldquo;ojkača&rdquo;. It is emphasized that the title recalls to the traditional way of singing called &ldquo;ojkanje&rdquo;, and the fact it is basically new and related to the term &ldquo;traditional singing&rdquo; which also exists in Serbia.<br />It is corroborated with the fact that<br />ethnomusicologist Vlado Milosevic not even once mentioned &ldquo;ojkača&rdquo; song and with the sayings of the singers who remember the period when this term has not existed in their field of work.<br />This study significantly talks about characteristics of the verse, the characteristics of the tempo, tonal characteristics, as well as comprehensive characteristics (with the forms of two voices singing, heterophony and bordun heterophony when it is about the elder forms of two voices singing and homophony as in the modern forms of two voices singing).</p>