Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Nebraska--Lincoln, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references.

Both practitioners and academics have recently begun referring to humanitarian agencies operating within an active 'aid marketplace' in which limited funding pits actors against each other in pursuance of their own projects and wider aims. This thesis seeks to explore how the pressures of a competitive environment impact on the motivations and actions of aid actors at an individual and organizational level. Based on the common saying that aid workers are 'mercenaries, missionaries and misfits', I construct a typology of pressures (interest-based, altruistic, and bureaucratic), which, it is argued, can be used to explain and understand much of this competitive and collaborative behaviour. A particular focus of the thesis is the impact of these various influences on the process and politics of information transfer and discourse creation regarding the process of needs assessment, monitoring and evaluation. I explore all of these issues through the medium of a case study of UNHCR's interventions in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2015, and seek to provide a detailed history of the agency's activities, politics and challenges during this period. In particular I am interested in the motivations driving the agency's actions; the strategies it has employed to achieve its aims; the calculated narratives that it has crafted to justify its interventions and attract greater support; and the very different ways in which it has approached the needs of different categories of displaced people.

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Although civil war affects all civilians, it impacts men and women in different ways, and it influences their gender roles and responsibilities. Comparatively little attention has been given to assessing the gender sensitivity of international organizations who implement post-conflict reconstruction programs. The different social, economic and political dimensions of war to peace transitions, and how they impact on gender relations, can shed some light on the complicated intersections of needs and interests in wartorn societies. An examination of the policies of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the World Bank reveals that there is relatively little gender mainstreaming within their post-conflict operations. This research finds that the lack of resources and coordination, the failure to build on local capacities, and a lack of commitment to gender mainstreaming are the main obstacles these organizations face. To improve the situation it is recommended that organizations develop and use a 'gender checklist' at all stages of project planning, implementation and monitoring to ensure increased gender sensitivity in post-conflict programming.

This Master Thesis focuses on one of the most significant instrument of conflict prevention in the OSCE -- the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM). The aim of this thesis is to find out which determinants of his involvement contributed to the prevention of Civil War in the FYROM and why it failed in Kosovo. The first part looks into the theory of conflict prevention. The second chapter introduces the OSCE and focuses on function, mandate and activities of the HCNM. The third chapter analyzes and compares the involvement of the HCNM in the FYROM and Kosovo.

This thesis by article contains three chapters. The first chapter provides an overview of recent developments in global refugee education policy to situate Refugee Education 2030, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ current international refugee education strategy, within global policy initiatives. It then reviews the literature on refugee education policy that informed the development of a methodology of vertical policy coherence analysis with Refugee Education 2030 to answer the research questions of the thesis. Finally, it addresses my researcher positionality and journey leading to the thesis. The second chapter contains the manuscript for an article. The purpose of the article is to analyze the vertical coherence of Canadian policy regimes towards the primary and secondary education of refugee children and youth with Refugee Education 2030. The article presents a theoretical framework for policy coherence analysis that combines policy coherence theory, policy attributes theory, and policy behaviour theory, as well as a tri-phasic methodology for vertical policy coherence analysis with an international framework designed to be adapted to different contexts to guide the development of country-specific education policies. The theoretical framework and methodology are applied to determine the categories of needs underpinning Enabling Activities of a Strategic Objective of Refugee Education 2030, to assess these needs as presented by refugee children and youth in Canada, and to analyze the coherence of Canadian education policy responses to these needs with Refugee Education 2030. The findings indicate that there are five categories of needs inherent in the Enabling Activities of the selected Strategic Objective, specifically access to education, accelerated education, language education, mental health and psychosocial support, and special education; that all of these categories of needs are present in refugee claimant and/or refugee children and youth in all of Canada’s educational jurisdictions; and that there are significant gaps in policy responses to these needs. Taken together, the findings permitted a discussion on priorities for the revision and development of refugee education policy across Canadian jurisdictions to ensure greater coherence with Refugee Education 2030. The third chapter summarizes the findings of the contextualized analysis of the vertical coherence of Canadian refugee education policy regimes with Refugee Education 2030. Additional findings that could not be incorporated in the article due to the manuscript submission guidelines Schutte iv of the intended journal of publication are then presented and discussed. The thesis concludes with reflections on my research journey.

A morally contested political project has definitively entered late liberal international politics and human rights: material claims to reparatory justice for transatlantic slavery. In the absence of legal avenues with appropriate jurisdiction, claimants of redress for chattel slavery turn to an international network of political and legal forms of expertise. In anthropology and socio-legal research, studies on reparations have focused on transitional justice and redress initiatives within the framework of the nation-state. This project offers a monograph-length ethnographic study of formal reparations work across institutional scales and beyond the nation-state, showing the productive complexity of post-colonial rights-based claims for justice. Based on 18 months of qualitative research, the project explores transnational reparations work in three organizational contexts: the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland, the Caribbean Community Secretariat and the Guyana Reparations Committee in Georgetown, Guyana. Regimes of Reparative Reasoning focuses on the legal-discursive political terrains that simultaneously enable and restrict the institutional circulation of reparation claims. Grounded in the belief that reparations are morally and materially imperative, this project argues: 1) formal reparations work is not principally a transformative political project but a liberal progressive project that speaks to established legal and political mechanisms; 2) to reckon with reparation claims for slavery and an emergent descent-based notion of legal personhood, we need to consider longer histories of dispossession: the beforelives of slavery. Ultimately, this study foregrounds the material multiplicity of reparation claims and how disparate national and organizational sites develop, exchange, and transform distinct forms of reparative reasoning.

Cette thèse soulève l’importance d’acteurs et de voies de transferts souvent négligés en adoptant une perspective longitudinale et multi-niveaux sur les transferts internationaux de normes et de politiques. Elle examine le rôle d’organisations internationales dans le développement de politiques et de pratiques relatives à l’asile en Ukraine depuis la première loi sur les réfugiés en 1993 jusqu’en 2015. Elle montre la dépendance de l’action des organisations internationales (OI) et non-gouvernementales (ONG) à l’égard de modes d’influence plus connus, telles que la conditionnalité sectorielle exercée par l’Union Européenne, mais elle met aussi en lumière les modalités propres à leurs interventions. Elle étudie les interactions et les relations entre les acteurs étatiques et non-étatiques au long d’une « chaîne de transferts », révélant les logiques de dépendance, de délégation et de contrôle ainsi que les processus de traduction, de soutien et de résistance aux transferts. En analysant le soutien et des formes subtiles de résistance à l’adoption législative des normes internationales par le Parlement, elle montre l’impact de la quête de reconnaissance internationale et d’incitations offertes par les OI. Les OI et les ONG cherchent à influencer les pratiques étatiques en adaptant leurs stratégies aux résistances et aux obstacles structurels, par des approches consensuelles ou confrontatives, formelles ou informelles, verticales ou horizontales. En dépit de l’effort des entrepreneurs de normes pour induire la formalisation de certains changements, les effets des transferts sur les pratiques étatiques restent hétérogènes et instables. / This thesis uncovers the importance of often overlooked actors and transfer channels by adopting a longitudinal and multi-level perspective on international norm and policy transfer. It examines the role of international organisations in the development of asylum policies and practices in Ukraine since the adoption of the first Law on Refugees. It shows how the action of international and domestic non-governmental organisations is interlinked with and differs from the sector-specific conditionality exercised by the European Union. In this manner, it enriches the findings on transfer from research that has mostly focused on top-down processes and political elite actors. It investigates the interactions and relations between state and non-state actors of the “transfer chain”, revealing logics of dependence, delegation and control as well as processes of translation, support and resistance. Analysing the support and subtle forms of resistance to the legislative adoption of international norms at the Parliament, it demonstrates that adoption is shaped, to a large extent, by domestic politicians’ pursuit of recognition and incentives by international organisations. Moreover, non-state actors seek to influence state practices by adapting their strategies to domestic resistance and structural obstacles, utilising confrontational and harmony-seeking, formal and informal, top-down and horizontal strategies. While norm entrepreneurs try to trigger the formalisation of certain changes, the effects of the transfer attempts on state practices remain heterogeneous and unstable. This thesis thus adds to transfer scholars’ widespread findings regarding the weak application of norms.

[pt] O propósito deste trabalho é compreender a política de repatriação voluntária de refugiados desenvolvida pelo Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para Refugiados (ACNUR), tendo como referência o processo de repatriação de refugiados angolanos, entre 1975 e 2013. Esta dissertação analisará também os fatores condicionantes históricos, especialmente entre a Guerra Fria e seu término, o processo de construção e reconstrução da figura do refugiado e como referida figura se insere no sistema internacional. O processo de constituição do Estado angolano, após a independência, e a presença das Missões de Paz das Nações Unidas em Angola formam o pano de fundo das diferentes tentativas de repatriação de refugiados nos últimos quarenta anos. A partir de experiências precedentes de repatriação voluntária, efetuadas na África, serão investigadas as linhas gerais desenvolvidas pelo ACNUR para solucionar a questão dos refugiados angolanos. / [en] The purpose of this dissertation is to understand the policy of voluntary repatriation of refugees developed by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) with reference to the process of repatriation of Angolan refugees between 1975 and 2013. This dissertation will also examine the historical factors, especially between the Cold War and its end, the processes of construction and reconstruction of the figure of the refugee and how it fits into the international system of States. The process of formation of the Angolan State, after independence, and the presence of Peacekeeping Missions of the United Nations in Angola form the backdrop of the various attempts to repatriate refugees in the last forty years. From previous experiences of voluntary repatriation in Africa, the dissertation investigates the general guidelines developed by UNHCR to solve the question of Angolan refugees.

Afrikaans Deneys Reitz, die derde van president F.W. Reitz se vyf oorlewende seuns, is op 2 April 1882 te midde van die politieke en ekonomiese ontwaking van die Vrystaat in Bloemfontein gebore. Hy het op die ouderdom van 17 by die Boeremagte aangesluit en doen hier die ondervindinge op wat hy later in sy eerste boek, Commando: A Boer journal of the Boer war, weergee. Met die sluit van vrede weier hy om die eed van getrouheid teenoor Brittanje af te lê en wend hom na Madagaskar waar hy onder meer as ‘n transportryer werk. Hy keer in 1903, op aandrang van Isie Smuts, na Suid-Afrika terug, kwalifiseer as ‘n prokureur en open ‘n prokureurspraktyk in die Noordoos-Vrystaatse dorp Heilbron. Gedurende die 1914-rebellie skaar hy homself aan die Botha-Smuts regering se kant en voer hy die Heilbronkommando aan teen die rebelle. Tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog sluit hy hom aanvanklik by Botha en Smuts in Duits-Suidwes-Afrika aan en daarna by die Britse leër in Brittanje. Hy spandeer die meeste van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in die loopgrawe aan die Wesfront in Frankryk en vorder tot die rang van kolonel in bevel van ‘n bataljon van die First Royal Scots Fusiliers. Met sy terugkeer na Suid-Afrika in 1920 wend hy hom tot die politiek en as lid van die Suid-Afrikaanse Party verteenwoordig hy eers Bloemfontein-Suid (1920) en later Port Elizabeth. Vanaf 1929 verteenwoordig hy Barberton. Hy dien aanvanklik in die parlement as Minister van Lande, waar hy onder meer betrokke raak by wetgewing i.v.m. die totstandkoming van die Krugerwildtuin. Hy dien ook as Minister van Lande in die koalisie kabinet van J.B.M. Hertzog (1933) en daarna as Minister van Landbou en Bosbou (1935), Minister van Mynwese (1938), Minister van Naturellesake (1939) en as adjunkpremier in Smuts se Oorlogskabinet (1939-1943). Vir die periode van 1924 tot 1933 dien hy as deel van die amptelike opposisie, terwyl hy hoofsaaklik as ‘n prokureur in Johannesburg werk. In dié periode het hy ook uitgebreide private- en sakereise na onder meer Noord- en Suid-Rhodesië, die Belgiese Kongo en die Kaokoveld in Suidwes-Afrika onderneem. Sy bekendheid het hy grootliks verwerf uit die publikasie van sy herinneringe van die Anglo Boereoorlog, gepubliseer as Commando in 1929. Dit is erken as ‘n boek van uitstaande gehalte en word beskou as ‘n klassieke werk oor die Anglo-Boereoorlog. Die res van sy lewe, vanaf 1902 tot 1940, het hy in die boeke Trekking on en No outspan beskryf. Deneys Reitz was getroud met Leila Agnes Buissine Reitz (13/12/1887 – 29/12/1959). Sy was Suid-Afrika se eerste vroulike parlementslid en het Parktown verteenwoordig. Leila was veral by maatskaplike werk betrokke en het spesifiek op kinders en kindermisdadigers gefokus. Deneys en Leila het twee seuns gehad - Jan en Michael. Weens swak gesondheid word Reitz in 1943 as Hoë Kommissaris in Londen aangestel, waar hy in 1944 sterf. English Deneys Reitz, the third of president F.W. Reitz’s five living sons, was born in Bloemfontein on 2 April 1882 during the political and economical awakening of the Orange Free State. As a boy of seventeen he joined the Boer forces in the Anglo-Boer War, gaining the experience he set down in his first book, Commando: A Boer journal of the Boer war. After the peace he was an irreconcilable and lived as a transport rider in Madagascar, returning to South Africa in 1903 after prompting by Isie Smuts. He qualified as an attorney and practiced in the town of Heilbron in the north-east Free State. During the 1914 rebellion he commanded the Heilbron Commando against the rebels in support of the Botha-Smuts government. During World War I he first joined Botha and Smuts in German South West Africa and then in German East Africa, where after he enlisted with the British Army. He spent most of the First World War in the trenches in France, where he rose to command a battalion of the First Royal Scots Fusiliers. Upon his return to South Africa he entered Parliament in 1920 as a member of the South African Party, representing first Bloemfontein South (1920) and later Port Elizabeth. He represented Barberton from 1929. He initially held the portfolios of Lands (1923-24), becoming involved in developing legislation for the establishment of the Kruger National Park. He also served as Minister of Lands in the coalition government of J.B.M. Hertzog (1933), Minister of Agriculture and Forestry (1935), Minister of Mines (1938), Minister of Native Affairs (1939) and as deputy premier in Smuts’ War Cabinet (1939-1943). Reitz was a member of the formal opposition from 1924 to 1933, while also working as an attorney in Johannesburg. In this period he travelled extensively in both his private and official capacities to North and South Rhodesia, the Belgian Congo and the Kaokoveld in South West Africa. His real claim to fame, however, arises from his memoirs of the Anglo-Boer War, which he published under the title of Commando in 1929. This was immediately recognised as a work of outstanding quality and has become a South African classic on the Anglo Boer War. Later he wrote Trekking on and No outspan, continuing the story of his career. Deneys Reitz was married to Leila Agnes Buissine Reitz (13/12/1887 – 29/12/1959), the first South African women elected to parliament. She was member for Parktown. Leila, who was involved in welfare work, focused on children and delinquents. Deneys and Leila had two sons of their own - Jan en Michael. Due to ill health Reitz was appointed Union High Commissioner in London in 1943, where he later passed away. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted