Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre le Maroc et l’Union européenne autour des questions migratoires depuis 1999, en particulier sur les négociations depuis 2003 d’un accord de réadmission, c’est-à-dire d’un accord organisant le retour forcé de migrants en situation irrégulière. À partir d’une approche postcoloniale, ce travail questionne l’eurocentrisme des analyses existantes des politiques extérieures de l’UE. L’objectif est de pluraliser les sujets des négociations internationales. Ceci passe d’abord par une étude de l’historicité et de la complexité institutionnelle des politiques migratoires marocaines. Ceci passe aussi par une analyse sociologique des pratiques de résistance des acteurs étatiques marocains aux pressions de l’Union européenne et des pays européens dans le domaine des politiques migratoires. Nous montrons ainsi que les négociations ne relèvent pas seulement du domaine des high politics, mais font aussi partie des pratiques quotidiennes d’acteurs administratifs engagés dans des luttes concurrentielles nationales et internationales. C’est dans ces luttes quotidiennes que transparaît la capacité d’action des acteurs marocains et la remise en cause de l’asymétrie des relations avec les pays européens. / This dissertation examines Morocco-EU negotiations on migrations since 1999, and specifically since 2003, when both partners started negotiating a readmission agreement. The purpose of such an agreement is to make it easier to deport undocumented migrants. Using a postcolonial approach, this work questions existing analyses of the EU’s external policy and their Eurocentric tendencies. The objective is to pluralize the subjects of international negotiations. The first step towards this objective is to study the historical and institutional complexity of Moroccan as well as European actors. A second important step is to offer a sociological analysis of resistance practices of Moroccan actors to pressures from the EU and European countries. I demonstrate in this work that negotiations, far from being limited to the realm of high politics, are part of the day-to-day practices of administrative actors who are engaged in national and international competition. It through the analysis of everyday contestations that one can understand the agency of Moroccan actors and the ways in which they constantly question the asymmetry of their relationships with European countries.

This study examines the patterns of family-forming migration from Turkey to Germany as one of the categories of marriage migration by taking into account the effects of migration policies, societal factors in both home and host countries as well as gender differences. The main objective of this study is to investigate how and for what purpose transnational marriages are used as strategies by migrants. This study assumes that restrictive migration policies of Germany paves the way for transnational marriages even if the focus is not on the marriage, itself. In this respect, considering the last changes in German Residence Act, within the research for this study, in-depth interviews were held with 10 men and 11 women who are in the process of family-forming migration. German language courses in Ankara were selected as research site in order to reach family-forming migration candidates who were learning German as a necessity of German Language Legislation. The significance of the study comes from its focus on the perceptions of family-forming migration in several issues in the pre-migration process which is different than the migration researches focusing on experiences after migration. Study examines the role of transnational ties existing both in Turkey and Germany, family values and economic factors in Turkey on patterns of family-forming migration which is changed by gender differences.

Unaccompanied minors who are fleeing and being sent way from their countries of origin are nothing new. In 2011, 12 225 unaccompanied minors where registered in The European Union, none undocumented minors included. Most of the minors are coming from Afghanistan and Somalia. The aim of this essay is to investigate how The European Union’s migration policies are applied in reality and how United Nation’s Convention on the Right of Children are put in practice by the member states of The European Union and Norway. This will be investigated through a qualitative literature essay. The results of this essay illustrate that unaccompanied minors are being subjects of The European migration policies like Dublin II regulation, and are being held in detention around in Europe. The unaccompanied minors’ fundamental rights are taken from them, rights like education, health care and social welfare. The unaccompanied minors are not seen as children by the authorities; instead they are seen and treated as refugees and illegal migrants. / Barn i Barnhus

A partir du cas des saisonnières marocaines travaillant sous contrat dans la fraisiculture intensive, cette thèse explore la manière dont le recrutement se fonde sur leur place dans les rapports de sexe (mères avec enfants en bas âge) et la réduction de leur séjour au travail à des fins de contrôle de la mobilité des étrangers (assignation à circuler). On s'intéresse à la manière dont l'utilitarisme migratoire s'appuie sur des rapports matériels de sexe et des représentations de genre, les effets que cela produit en matière d'invisibilisation et de mise à l'écart de ce groupe de travailleuses ainsi qu'en matière de flexibilité dans l'organisation du travail. Enfin, on aborde, dans ce contexte particulier, la manière dont la vie des saisonnières s'articule autour d'une conciliation, parfois impossible à trouver, entre rôle domestique ou familial et salariat saisonnier. / Studying the case of seasonal female workers under contract in intensive strawberry culture, this thesis intends to explore the way in which recruitment is based on their place in sex relations (mothers of young children) and on the reduction of their stay to work in order to control foreigners mobility (assignation to circulate). The thesis presents how migratory utilitarianism uses material sex relations and gender representations to render workers invisible, captive and flexible. Finally, we abord in this specific context the way in which seasonal workers life is articulated and tries to conciliate, sometimes impossibly, a domestic or family role and seasonal wage.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / As a constituent part of the current process of globalization, international migration flows assumed original features resulting from reciprocal relations with this step, also known as late/multinational capitalism. The sociopolitical, economic and cultural implications of this process have led states to reorient their role in border control. However, the complexity of the systems of regulation and barriers to human mobility nowadays have generated a redefinition of the relationship of autonomy/subordination of states against other influential actors in the elaboration of migration policies, setting up a major political field. In this sense, the main objective of this work is to examine the issues surrounding the role of the developed states in the development/implementation of migration policies in relation to the demands of different local and global actors. This analysis is built around contemporary social theory, based on the studies of Saskia Sassen, Douglas Massey and Gary Freeman. / Como parte constituinte do atual processo de globalização, os fluxos migratórios internacionais assumiram características originais resultantes das relações recíprocas com essa etapa, também conhecida como capitalismo tardio/multinacional. As implicações sociopolíticas, econômicas e culturais desse processo têm levado os Estados a reorientar seu papel no controle das fronteiras. Porém, a complexidade dos sistemas de regulação e obstáculos à mobilidade humana na atualidade têm gerado uma redefinição da relação de autonomia/subordinação dos Estados frente a outros atores influentes na elaboração das políticas migratórias, configurando-se um importante campo político. Nesse sentido, o objetivo central deste trabalho consiste em analisar as problemáticas em torno do papel dos Estados desenvolvidos na elaboração/execução de suas políticas de migração frente às demandas de diferentes atores locais e globais. Esta análise é construída em torno da teoria social contemporânea, tendo por base os trabalhos de Saskia Sassen, Douglas Massey e Gary Freeman.

The integration of migrants into society and the role of non-governmental non-profit organizations in this process is a highly discussed topic. This diploma thesis deals with the development of support for integration of migrants by these organizations in order to describe and analyze their activities. The thesis focuses on the specific period from November 1989 to the beginning of the year 2004 (before the Czech Republic joined the European Union). This period is characterized by gradually creating integration and migration policies of the state, which had to respond to the first arrival of migrants (refugees) to the Czech lands. For the purposes of the research of the diploma thesis, individual projects of non-governmental non- profit organizations were examined with the aim of finding out the topics and target groups they were dealing with, but also who and how supported them in order to trace certain development trends in defined years. Key words: integration, migrant, non-governmental non-profit organizations, integration and migration policies

En tant que sujets migrants, les Latino-américains sont surtout identifiés dans le contexte états-unien, où ils constituent une population étrangère importante. Pourtant, avec une importante évolution quantitative en Europe et en France, ils commencent à se faire une place dans les études européennes sur les migrations internationales. Si en raison de leurs liens culturels et historiques, les Latinos sont surtout présents dans des pays comme l’Espagne, le Portugal ou encore l’Italie, des communautés latino-américaines existent aussi en France. Parmi eux, la catégorie la plus visible est celle des exilés politiques issus des dictatures sud-américaines, dans une moindre mesure celle des étudiants internationaux et, depuis les années quatre-vingt, celle des migrants économiques. Considérés comme « exemple d’intégration », cette image idéalisée des réfugiés latino-américains laisse dans l’ombre certains aspects pourtant essentiels et inhérents à l’intégration, telle la participation dans la société d’accueil et surtout l’accès au marché de l’emploi. A l’appui des récits de vie, ce travail doctoral se propose d’analyser leurs parcours, avec une attention particulière aux stratégies qu’ils mettent en place pour rendre possible une insertion professionnelle de plus en plus restreinte par les politiques migratoires qui les concernent en tant que ressortissants non européens. Pour ce faire, notre discussion considère aussi bien l’élément subjectif (perceptions, expériences, ressources et stratégies mobilisés) que des éléments structurants et objectifs comme les politiques migratoires et les différents rapports sociaux établis dans le pays d’accueil. / As migrant subjects, Latin Americans are mostly identified in the US context, where they constitute a significant foreign population. However, with a significant quantitative evolution in Europe and France, they are beginning to find a place in European studies on international migration. If due to their cultural and historical ties, Latinos are mostly present in countries like Spain, Portugal or Italy, the Latin American communities also exist in France. Among them, political exiles from South American dictatorships is the most visible category. To a lesser extent, that of international students too, and since the 1980s, economic migrants emerged as a new profile. Considered as an "example of integration", this idealized image of Latin American refugees leaves behind certain aspects that are essential and inherent to integration, such as participation in the host society and especially access to the labor market. Supported by life stories, this doctoral research aims to analyze their life paths, with attention to the strategies they put in place to make possible a labor insertion increasingly restricted by the migration policies that concern them as non-European nationals. To do this, our discussion considers both the subjective element (perceptions, experiences, resources ans strategies mobilized) and the structuring ans objective elements such as migration policies and the different social relations migrants establish in the host country

O teor securitário que compromete a eficiência das políticas migratórias na esfera nacional, a distribuição de competências entre os diversos níveis de governo e a proximidade entre as autoridades locais e os cidadãos fazem das cidades uma importante unidade de análise para a compreensão do fenômeno migratório. A presente dissertação busca verificar de que forma as cidades de São Paulo, no Brasil, e Barcelona, na Espanha, respondem às lacunas das respectivas políticas migratórias nacionais, examinando particularmente o acesso dos migrantes aos serviços de saúde na dimensão local. Ao reconhecer que a interface entre a mobilidade e a saúde humanas tende a expandir-se, eis que tanto as políticas migratórias como a sua ausência causam impacto significativo sobre a saúde dos migrantes e das sociedades de acolhida ou trânsito, a pesquisa investiga o papel das políticas migratórias na efetivação dos direitos humanos dos migrantes, em especial o direito à saúde. Determinadas iniciativas de administrações locais tentam responder às demandas geradas pelo fenômeno migratório, e se mostram comprometidas com uma agenda de proteção dos direitos dessas populações, em claro contraste com a orientação da legislação e da política migratória do plano nacional. Como já demonstra a literatura sobre migrações e governos locais, as cidades de São Paulo e de Barcelona demonstram tal empenho, embora suas respectivas administrações atuem em contextos jurídico-­institucionais distintos: um de escassa consistência jurídica, no caso brasileiro, e outro de extensa legislação de teor restritivo, no caso espanhol. / The securitarian tone hindering the efficiency of migration policies in the national realm, the distribution of competences among several government levels and the closeness between local authorities and citizens, all make cities an important unit of analysis for understanding the migration phenomenon. This Master\'s thesis aims to assess how the cities of Sao Paulo, in Brazil, and Barcelona, in Spain, respond to the gaps of their respective national migration policies, examining particularly the access of migrants to healthcare services at the local level. Admitting that the interplay between human mobility and health tends to expand, since both migration policies and their absence cause a significant impact on the health of migrants and reception and transit societies, this research explores the role of migration policies in making migrants\' human rights effective, notably the right to health. Some initiatives of local administration seek to meet the demands sparked by migration and seem committed to a protective agenda of these population\'s rights, in a clear-cut contrast with the orientation of national migration laws and policies. As the literature on migration and local government exposes, the cities of Sao Paulo and Barcelona display such an effort, although their respective governments work in distinctive legal and institutional contexts: one of scarce legal consistency, in the Brazilian case, and another in an extensive legislation of restrictive contents, in the Spanish case.

Cette thèse soutient que les politiques de migrations temporaires entravent la mobilité de l'individu, à partir du cas des migrants indiens dans la région du golfe persique. La pratique et le droit international définissent la mobilité comme le droit à la « liberté de mouvement » sans dispositions supplémentaires pour faciliter le choix de s’établir, permettant aux Etats de pratiquer ces politiques de convenance. Ce travail interdisciplinaire qui privilégie l’angle sociologique interroge les implications politiques et le droit international. Il montre que le non-respect prolongé des droits des migrants, surtout par les pays d’accueil, produit des conditions et des résultats restrictifs pour tous les acteurs- des indicateurs montrent l’exclusion systématique du migrant dans la société d’accueil. Cinq chapitres présentent empiriquement le « migrant » dans le golfe qui expérimente la vulnérabilité à différentes échelles : entrepreneurs, marchands-patriarches, travailleurs en col blanc, travailleurs en col bleu, et les femmes migrantes. La politique de migration temporaire des six Etats du Conseil de coopération du Golfe (GCC)- Arabie Saoudite, Oman, Émirats Arabes Unis, Qatar, Bahreïn et Koweït- constitue un exemple heuristique. Sans être un cas unique, il montre une exclusion plus sévère en raison de la nature conservatrice de ces monarchies et de la place de l’Islam comme religion d’Etat. Les politiques de migrations circulaires sont populaires aujourd’hui et les Etats en profitent à leur convenance en privilégiant la flexibilité et la non-intégration pour éviter les responsabilités vis-à-vis des migrants. Le migrant temporaire est donc, le travailleur précaire dans le marché mondial du travail. Le statut d’incertitude structurelle est aussi un des principaux éléments qui séparent « l’Indien du golfe » du reste des Indiens non-résidents (NRI). / The thesis highlights the evidence in the Arab-Gulf region with the Indian migrants to argue that the temporary migration policies hinder the individual’s mobility. International practice and law articulate mobility narrowly as merely the right to “freedom of movement” without also provision to facilitate the choice to settle, which allows states to perpetuate such expedient policies. The work is an inter-disciplinary approach, with mainly a sociological lens and interrogates the implications for policy and international law. It shows that mainly the receiving states’ prolonged non-respect of the migrant’s rights using the “temporary” frame produces limiting conditions and outcomes for all the actors- selected indicators show the systematic exclusion of the migrant in the host society. Five chapters empirically present the “guest worker” in the Gulf who experiences vulnerability at different levels: entrepreneur, trader-patriarch, white-collar worker, blue-collar worker and female migrant. The guest-worker policy practice of the six oil-rich Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries- Saudi Arabia, Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait- is a heuristic example. The GCC region is not a unique case although it might show more severe exclusion, due to the conservative regimes as monarchies and following Islam as the state-religion. Circular migration policies are popular today and states manifest expediency by privileging flexibility and non-integration to evade responsibility for the migrant. The guest-worker is hence, the precarious worker in the global labour market. The structural uncertainty is a factor that mainly also separates the “Gulf-Indian” from the larger non-resident Indian (NRI) population elsewhere.

The purpose of this thesis is to understand how Danish and Swedish news media and governments framed “the refugee crisis” in the context of the Swedish implementation of border controls in 2015 and the removal of external border controls in 2017. We operationalize framing theory (Entman 1993) to understand the differences and similarities in the framing of "the refugee crisis” in Denmark and Sweden. While the main focus is media representations, policy documents are included in the study to deepen the analysis and understand the similarities and differences across migration policies. Through a quantitative content analysis of 259 newspaper articles from eight Danish and Swedish newspapers, a framing analysis of ten policy documents and a qualitative framing analysis of the overall frames in the news articles and policy documents, we identified a dialectic relation of power between media and political discourse in both countries. We found that issues defined and represented in policy documents tend to reflect the challenges that news media define and the other way around. Even though Danish and Swedish newspapers and policy documents highlight similar problems, our data indicates clear differences in migration policies, in the two countries, in terms of the framing of asylum seekers, refugees and political events in 2015.